m 


CharUt  H. Kerr  Jr  Company,  Publishers,  Chicago, 


HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 


BY  A  PRACTICAL  REFORMER 


CHICAGO 

CHARLES  H.  KERR  AND  COMPANY 
175   MONROE  STREET 

I»95 


Copyright  1895 
BY  CHARLES  H    KERR  &  COMPANY 


Library  of  Progress,  No  14.      Quarterly,    $l.oo  a  year.      February, 
Entered  at  t)ie  Postoffice,  Chicago,  as  second  class  matter. 


PREFACE 

For  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  I  have  wit- 
nessed the  growth  of  Chicago  as  promoted  or  ob- 
structed by  its  government.  Waves  of  reform  have 
come  and  gone  as  the  tides  come  and  go.  Franchise 
after  franchise  has  been  given  away  until  the  munic- 
ipality has  parted  with  many  of  its  most  valuable 
rights, and  to  the  extent  that  its  people  are  in  modern 
slavery. 

A  new  factor  has  come  into  the  political  life  of 
the  city,  called  the  Civic  Federation.  Its  member- 
ship includes  many  of  the  principal  men  of  Chicago. 
It  has  made  considerable  headway  in  the  suppression 
of  vice,  and  it  has  entered  upon  a  somewhat  vigorous 
legislative  campaign,  but  its  measures  savor  of  the 
visionary,  and  thus  invite  failure. 

Chicago  needs  a  deliverer,  a  leader  strong  enough 
to  raise  the  people  to  a  higher  plane  of  political 
morality.  There  are  already  too  many  reformers 
who  are  in  the  business  because  it  is  popular. 

Most  of  the  measures  proposed  for  the  betterment 
of  the  people  are  impracticable;  and,  amid  the  noise 
and  parade  of  sham  and  hypocrisy,  real  opportu- 
nities are  being  lost.  A  municipal  election  is  about 

3 


4  PREFACE 

to  take  place,  involving  questions  greatly  affecting 
the  welfare  of  the  city.  The  legislature  is  in  session 
frittering  away  valuable  time  with  no  prospect  of 
giving  Chicago  needed  relief. 

In  the  midst  of  these  things  the  writer  ventures  to 
point  out  the  real  conditions  and  requirements  of 
Chicago,  to  review  its  political  history  for  a  year 
or  two,  to  expose  the  false  pretenses  of  reform,  and 
to  point  out  in  plain,  blunt,  strong  terms,  such  as 
may  prove  valuable  to  readers  in  this  and  every  other 
American  city,  How  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO,  from  the 
standpoint  of  a 

PRACTICAL  REFORMER. 

Chicago,  Feb.  20,  1895. 


HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 


I.— MUNICIPAL  LIGHT 

When  the  Almighty  began  business  in  this  part  of 
the  universe  his  first  act,  according  to  all  accounts, 
was  to  make  the  light.  It  appears  that  light  was 
necessary  to  a  successful  carrying  out  of  the  other 
work  on  hand.  All  will  agree  that  a  world  should 
be  well  lighted.  The  same  is  true  of  a  city. 

Chicago  should  be  abundantly  supplied  with  light. 
It  is  one  of  the  essential  functions  of  a  city  govern- 
ment to  provide  the  inhabitants  within  its  jurisdic- 
tion with  this  necessary  comfort  at  as  little  cost  and 
inconvenience  as  possible. 

I  take  up  this  question  of  light  at  the  outset  because 
its  proper  solution  will  throw  so  much  light  on  the 
other  subjects  to  be  considered  that  the  reader  will 
scarcely  hesitate  to  grant  to  these  pages  a  sufficient 
measure  of  confidence  to  pursue  them  to  the  end. 

Whenever  one  advances  a  plan,  no  matter  how 
available,  for  a  better  and  cheaper  supply  of  public 
Comforts  to  the  people  of  Chicago,  or  of  any  other 


6  HOW  TO  GOYERN  CHICAGO 

city,  for  that  matter,  the  proposition  is  at  once 
smothered  or  snuffed  out  with  suggestions  of  difficul- 
ties in  the  way.  One  hears  about  state  constitutional 
limitations,  the  lack  of  sufficient  municipal  powers, 
the  difficulty  of  securing  the  necessary  legislation, 
the  want  of  a  new  city  charter,  the  need  of  a  consti- 
tutional amendment,  and  numerous  other  obstacles 
to  be  overcome.  But  few  are  versed  as  to  what  the 
powers  of  the  municipal  government  really  are,  and 
perhaps  a  smaller  number  have  fully  comprehended 
how  the  powers  vested  in  the  municipality  can  be. 
best  applied  in  bringing  about  desired  ends.  Those 
who  have  a  knowledge  of  this  phase  of  the  subject 
often  find  it  profitable  to  keep  it  to* themselves. 

I  do  not  remember  how  many  times  a  bill  has  been 
introduced  in  the  Illinois  legislature  to  enable  cities, 
towns  and  villages  to  erect  and  maintain  gas  and 
electric  works,  and  to  supply  the  inhabitants  thereof 
with  light,  heat  and  power,  but  certainly  as  many  as 
a  dozen.  In  every  instance  the  bill  has  been  loaded 
down  to  its  death  svith  constitutional  objections.  It 
might  be  added  that  in  almost  every  case  the  objec- 
tors were  well  rewarded  by  those  in  whose  interests 
the  objections  were  made,  but  it  is  not  my  purpose  at 
all  to  scold  corporations,  or  persons  in  any  capacity, 
on  these  few  pages.  Possibly  these  measures  were 
unconstitutional.  Most  of  them  undoubtedly  were. 

The  real  objection  to  them,  however,  is  that  they 
should  never   have   been    introduced,  for    had    they 


I.— MUNICIPAL  LIGHT  7 

been  within  constitutional  scope,  and  become  a  part 
of  the  statutes,  their  provisions  would  not  have  been 
available  in  any  city  in  the  state,  certainly  not  in 
Chicago.  Even  were  the  municipal  ownership  of  gas 
and  electric  lighting  works  demonstrated  to  be  prac- 
ticable,the  city  had  neither  the  money  nor  the  means 
of  raising  any  with  which  adequately  to  undertake 
these  enterprises. 

Right  here  I  wish  to  point  out  the  fatal  error 
which  has  ever  characterized  the  average  reformer 
of  our  day.  "Everything  or  nothing,"  is  the  rock 
on  which  too  many  have  been  wrecked.  The  state 
socialist  begins  at  the  top  of  his  ladder  rather  than 
at  the  bottom.  Instead  of  bringing  the  people  to 
his  way  of  thinking  by  demonstrating  the  value  of 
his  theories  in  practice,  step  by  step,  from  small 
beginnings  on  to  larger  measures, he  asks  the  country 
to  take  a  whole  course  of  study  in  one  lesson. 

Almost  every  citizen  believes  in  the  righteousness 
and  expediency  of  municipal  control  of  gas  and  elec- 
trical enterprises  carried  on  for  public  supply,  of 
street  and  elevated  railway  service,  and  indeed  of  all 
undertakings  which  depend  upon  franchise  ordinances 
for  existence.  The  only  difference  of  opinion  on 
this  question  is  as  to  the  measure  of  that  control. 
On  the  other  hand  thousands  have  not  yet  come  to 
endorse  the  platform  of  municipal  or  government 
ownership  of  these  works.  But  there  is  a  common 
ground  on  which  both  these  schools  of  reform  may 
stand  together. 


8  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

At  present  the  corporations  operating  under  fran- 
chise ordinances  own  or  control  the  city,  rather  than 
being  controlled  by  its  government.  A  movement 
to  establish  municipal  control  would  certainly  meet 
with  approval  from  every  interest  save  the  corpora- 
tions themselves, and  it  would  be  a  step  in  the  direc- 
tion of  final  government  ownership.  If  radicals  would 
content  themselves  with  this  rudimentary  step,  if 
such  they  may  choose  to  call  it,  they  could  rely  upon 
the  support  of  the  conservatives,  and  await,  with 
prospects  of  success,  opportunities  for  pushing  the 
issue  further. 

But  aside  from  considerations  of  compromise, it  is 
the  only  road  open.  Any  other  course  is  blocked 
by  legal  prohibitions,  constitutional  restrictions,  of 
the  lack  of  revenue. 

You  cannot  build  securely  without  foundations. 
All  effort  to  secure  the  passage  of  reform  laws,  out 
of  joint  with  fundamental  statutes,  is  a  waste  of  time 
and  energy.  The  thing  to  do  is  to  show  the  disposi- 
tion and  ability  to  utilize  such  laws  as  already  exist. 
This  has  not  yet  been  done,  and  the  reader  must 
feel  surprise  to  learn  that  Chicago  has  within  its 
reach  both  law  and  revenue  sufficient  to  flood  the 
city  with  gas  or  electric  light,  or  both,  at  a  cost  to 
the  inhabitants  not  to  exceed  the  present  price 
of  water. 

How  can  this  be  done?  Easily  enough.  Chicago 
already  owns  electric  plants  with  which  it  lights 


I.— MUNICIPAL  LIGHT  9 

some  of  the  public  streets.  These  would  no  doubt  be 
extended  had  the  city  the  required  revenue.  Ham- 
pered in  this  respect.it  has  made  little  progress,  and 
the  entire  plants  are,  to -day,  probably  not  worth  more 
than  $250,000.  With  these  the  municipality  illumi- 
nates the  street  opposite  your  shop,  store,  factory 
or  residence  windows,  but  cannot  run  its  wires  inside 
nor  permit  you  to  use  any  of  its  electric  currents, 
with  or  without  pay.  That  privilege,  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  state,  owing  to  its  silence  or  otherwise, 
wisely  or  unwisely  leaves  to  be  enjoyed  by  the  en- 
franchised corporations. 

But  this  the  city  can  do.  It  can  sell  the  electrical 
plant  it  now  possesses.  It  can  grant  a  franchise  to 
an  electrical  corporation,  already  organized  or  yet 
to  be  organized,  and  it  can  enter  into  a  contract 
with  such  corporation  on  almost  any  terms  it  sees 
fit,  to  run  for  a  period  of  twenty  years.  Very  well. 
Suppose  then  the  mayor  and  council  should  by  ordi- 
nance invite  proposals  from  the  public  which  would 
enable  a  syndicate,  or  corporation,  capitalized  to 
the  extent  of  $25,000,000,  more  or  less,  to  obtain  a 
twenty-year  franchise  from  the  city,  together  with 
its  present  electrical  plant,  under  the  following  terms 
and  conditions,  would  not  the  whole  problem  be, 
in  a  great  measure,  solved? — 

i. — A  franchise  contract  between  the  city,  and  a 
quasi-public  corporation  extending  for  twenty  years, 
with  provisions  for  renewal,  at  the  option  of  the  city, 


10  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

for  a  like  period,  providing  for  a  proper  measure  of 
municipal  control,  and  ultimate  ownership,  if  at 
any  time  such  should  be  deemed  wise  on  the  part 
of  the  people;  for  the  employment  of  sufficient  cap- 
ital by  such  corporation  under  the  control,  direction 
and  supervision  of  the  city, to  provide  ample  facilities 
for  lighting  the  streets,  parks,  alleys,  subways  and 
other  portions  of  the  city  requiring  it,  and  to  furnish 
light,  heat  and  power  to  the  people  in  their  homes, 
workshops,  stores  and  factories;  for  rates  and  terms 
of  payment  for  such  supply;  for  the  kind  or  kinds  of 
systems  to  be  used;  for  hours  of  service  and  other 
rules  and  regulations  for  the  safety  and  comfort  of 
the  people;  and  for  the  rapidity  of  construction  or 
time  in  which  the  system  should  be  completed  and 
the  regular  supply  established. 

2. — For  an  accounting  to  the  city  of  all  expenditures 
and  income,  and  the  payment  to  the  city  of  such  a 
percentage  of  gross  receipts  as  might  be  considered 
necessary;  the  revenue  so  derived  to  be  used  for  gen- 
eral purposes  or  to  constitute  a  fund  for  the  purchase 
of  the  plants  and  properties  created  by  the  corpo- 
ration with  a  view  to  final  ownership  by  the  city. 

The  question  at  once  arises,  Would  such  a  scheme 
command  financial  support?  There  is  not  a  financial 
agency  in  Europe  or  America  that  will  not  quickly 
affirm  that, to-day,  electrical  enterprises  are  at  a  pre- 
mium in  the  money  centers  everywhere.  In  short, 


I.— MUNICIPAL  LIGHT  11 

the  way  for  such  an  undertaking  is  wide  open,  legally 
and  financially.  The  vaults  of  the  country  are  burst- 
ing with  money  that  needs  only  the  invitation  to  be 
employed  in  such  an  improvement.  Twenty-five 
millions  and  twice  twenty-five  millions  are  awaiting 
this  useful  employment.  It  requires  but  the  simple, 
business-like  action  on  the  part  of  the  mayor  and 
council  of  Chicago  to  release  this  idle  capital,  and 
to  employ  thousands  now  in  enforced  idleness  in 
the  labor  of  providing  this  comfort  to  a  long-suffering 
people. 

Yes,  capital  is  available  in  any  volume  required 
for  this  enterprise.  It  would  be  a  far  safer  invest- 
ment than  a  private  corporation  on  the  same  line, 
because  it  would  enjoy  protection  from  the  city,  and 
in  a  certain  way,  a  monopoly  of  the  business,  but 
a  monopclyin  which  the  inabitants  would  share  equal 
benefits  with  the  corporation.  That  is  the  sort  of 
business  combine  the  people  want  but  have  been 
denied. 

Let  us  look  at  this  plan  from  the  city's  standpoint 
for  a  moment.  It  would  require  the  establishment 
of  a  new  department  of  the  city  government, — a  de- 
partment of  public  service,  if  you  please.  This  will 
appear  the  more  imperative,  as  the  scheme  unfolds. 
The  aim  is  ultimately  to  include  telephone  service, 
power  supply  on  a  large  scale,  and  for  a  great  variety 
of  purposes,  messenger  service,  and  electrical  com- 
munication of  all  sorts  within  the  corporation  limits, 


12  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

including  calls,  alarms,    signals,    messages,    and    the 
like. 

An  electrical  engineer  of  ability  and  experience, 
would  be  required  at  the  head  of  such  a  department, 
who,  fully  understanding  the  value  and  vested  rights 
of  patented  appliances,  and  the  requirements  of  such 
a  system,  would  be  able  to  order  the  works  on  a 
broad,  comprehensive  scale,  commensurate  with 
present  and  future  demands. 

It  is  by  demonstrating  the  practicability  and  expe- 
diency of  this  plan  that  one  must  hope  to  create 
public  opinion  in  its  favor.  The  great  question  of 
municipalizing  electricity,  gas,  telephone  service, 
surface  and  elevated  transit,  and  like  comforts,  just 
as  water  has  been  municipalized,  must  be  solved  for 
Chicago.  This  may  or  may  not  involve  absolute 
municipal  ownership.  But  even  if  this  be  an  impor- 
tant consummation  it  can  best  be  attained  by  the 
route  indicated. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  even  among  those  who 
are  studying  the  subject  there  is  a  difference  of 
opinion  as  to  the  relative  merits  of  municipal  control 
and  municipal  ownership.  Over  in  Great  Britain  the 
cities  of  Liverpool  and  Glasgow  afford  us  an  example. 
The  one  owns  and  operates  its  street  railways,  the 
other  operates  them  under  a  concession,  retaining 
and  exercising  a  substantial  control,  and  deriving 
large  revenues  therefrom.  The  testimony  from  that 
side  of  the  ocean,  both  as  to  revenues  and  efficiency 
of  service,  favors  the  latter. 


I.— MUNICIPAL  LIGHT  13 

The  plan  of  municipalizing  the  services  referred  to, 
either  by  establishing  control  or  ownership,  is  rapidly 
gaining  ground  in  America.  Within  a  very  recent 
period  the  writer  has  placed  himself  in  communica- 
tion with  Mayors,  and  other  heads  of  city  govern- 
ments in  the  United  States, for  the  purpose  of  gath- 
ering their  views  on  this  subject.  It  was  found 
that  in  the  east  the  plan  was  in  less  favor  than  in 
the  west.  For  instance,  to  my  communication  of 
Nov.  28,  1894,  the  Mayor  of  Baltimore,  under  date 
of  Dec.  3,  wrote  as  follows: 

"My  Dear  Sir: —  In  answer  to  the  question  pro- 
pounded to  me  in  your  letter  of  Nov.  28,  that  is, 
whether  a  municipality  should  control  electric  light- 
ing, gas  and  telephone  works,  street  railways  and 
the  like,  I  should  say,  in  my  judgment,  no. 

"I  think  the  municipality  should  confine  itself  to 
the  government  .of  the  city,  making  laws  for  open- 
ing, grading,  paving  and  repairing  of  streets,  public 
education,  care  of  the  indigent  sick,  providing  a 
proper  fire  department  and  controlling  the  same, 
maintaining  the  good  health  of  the  community,  main- 
taining a  proper  water  supply,  maintenance  of  courts, 
jails,  etc.,  dredging  of  the  harbor,  cleaning  the  city 
and  proper  disposal  of  garbage,  and  such  other 
functions  as  immediately  belong  to  municipal  gov- 
ernment. 

"I  think  it  better  that  the  street  railroads,  gas, 
telephone  and  telegraph  works  should  be  left  in  the 
hands  of  private  corporations,  who  should  use  the 
streets  of  the  city,  subject  to  such  rules  and  regula- 
tions as  may  be  from  time  to  time  imposed  by  the 
municipal  government.  For  the  use  of  the  streets 
I  think  these  corporations  should  pay  a  reasonable 


14  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

tax  annually.  The  street  railways  should  pay  a 
certain  percentage  of  gross  receipts  and  so  should 
gas  and  electric  light,  telephone  and  telegraph  com- 
panies. The  franchises  they  enjoy  are  very  profitable 
and  therefore  a  fit  subject  for  taxation;  their  value  is 
established  not  only  by  the  market  value  of  the 
securities  of  such  corporations  but  by  the  fact  that 
companies  are  always  ready  and  willing  to  pay  for 
such  franchises  and  frequently  do,  the  loss  to  the 
public  being  that  often  the  pay  goes  into  the  pockets 
of  a  lobby  and  not,  as  it  should,  into  the  city  treas- 
ury. This  latter  diversion  of  funds  may  be  because 
the  legislature  does  not  give  the  question  of  the 
granting  or  of  the  municipal  value  of  such  franchises 
the  thoughtful  consideration  to  which  they  are  en- 
titled. 

"If  it  is  proper  for  a  city  to  control  and  manage 
gas  works, telegraph  and  telephone  companies,  street 
railways,  etc.,  it  might  also  be  considered  proper  for 
the  same  control  and  management  to  be  extended 
over  the  baking  of  bread,  slaughtering  of  cattle  and 
hogs,  manufacturing  of  clothing,  shirts,  etc.,  and  all 
such  industries  as  supply  the  absolute  necessities  of 
the  people. 

"Under  our  system  of  government, in  my  judgment, 
it  would  be  almost  impossible  to  prevent  the  patron- 
age that  would  be  supplied  by  street  railways,  gas, 
telephone  works,  etc.,  mentioned  in  your  letter,  if 
they  were  municipalized,  from  being  used  for  politi- 
cal purposes, thus  becoming  sources  of  corruption,  or, 
to  say  the  least,  such  temptation  for  corruption  as 
the  people  should  not  be  subjected  to. 

"If  any  exception  should  be  made  it  would,  in 
my  judgment,  be  in  favor  of  the  city  supplying  elec- 
tric lighting  for  its  own  streets.  An  electric  light 
plant  is  not  very  expensive  in  comparison  with  gas, 
and  would  not  offer  the  same  temptation  to  use  a 


I.— MUNICIPAL  LIGHT  15 

large  patronage  for  political  purposes  from  the  fact 
that  the  employes  would  not  be  very  numerous,  but 
even  in  this  case  I  think  it  better  to  rely  upon  private 
enterprise,  which  should  pay  a  reasonable  tax  for 
the  use  of  streets. 

"In  Baltimore  the  city  passenger  railways  pay 
an  annual  tax  to  the  city  of  9  per  cent  of  their  gross 
receipts.  In  addition  the  property  of  the  railways  is 
taxed  as  any  other  property.  The  telephone  com- 
pany pays  an  annual  tax  of  30  cents  per  lineal  yard 
for  the  privilege  of  its  underground  subway  and  the 
telegraph  and  telephone  companies  pay  an  annual 
tax  of  $2  upon  all  poles  erected  in  our  streets.  Other 
municipal  franchises  have  in  Baltimore,  as  in  other 
cities,  been  given  away  before  the  people  either  under- 
stood their  value  or  when  they  only  gave  consider- 
ation to  the  additional  comfort  and  public  con- 
venience thereby  secured  without  thinking  of  the 
profit  obtained  by  the  grantees  of  the  franchise.  Had 
the  foresight  of  our  predecessors  in  the  government 
of  cities  been  better  I  am  sure  that  the  cost  of  munic- 
ipalities would  now  be  almost  entirely  met  by  the 
revenues  derived  from  the  grants  of  their  franchises. 
"Yours  very  respectfully, 

"FERDINAND  L.  LATROBE,  Mayor." 

This  letter  is  instructive.  It  not  only  indicates  the 
public  sentiment  in  that  quarter  on  the  issue  under 
consideration,  but  plainly  shows  that  even  Balti- 
more has  made  greater  headway  in  municipalizing  its 
street  railway  system  than  Chicago.  If  this  city  re- 
ceived 9  per  cent  on  the  gross  receipts  from  its  street 
railway  systems  it  would  be  in  advance  of  its  present 
progress.  But  one  must  come  to  the  west  to  get 
pronounced  views  favorable  to  our  proposition.  Under 


10  HOW  JO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

date  of  Nov.  4,*  1894, Mayor  Bemis  of  Omaha,  Neb., 
wrote  to  me  as  follows: 

"Sir:— The  idea  of  municipalities  owning  and  oper- 
ating their  electric  and  gas  works  and  street  rail- 
ways is  one  which  has  been  steadily  gaining  a  foot- 
hold in  this  country  and  I  believe  that  the  time  will 
soon  come  when  this  method  will  be  the  general  rule. 
Municipal  ownership  of  gas  or  electric  plants  already 
obtains  to  a  large  extent  in  many  of  our  smaller  cities 
and  towns,  and  the  larger  cities  must  eventually 
follow  in  the  same  direction. 

"There  are  two  objects  to  be  attained  in  municipal 
ownership  of  these  franchises.  The  first  and  greatest 
object  is  a  practical  purification  of  politics.  The 
second  will  be  a  saving  to  the  taxpayers  of  the  thou- 
sands cf  dollars  which  annually  find  their  way  into 
the  coffers  of  the  ccrporations  which  now  own  these 
franchises. 

"With  regard  to  the  first  object,  I  speak  with 
authority  when  I  say  that  these  great  franchise  cor- 
porations exert  a  most  pernicious  and  far-re£ching 
influence  upon  local  politics.  Their  interests  are  so 
diversified  that  they  may  be  regarded  as  a  constant 
factor  in  the  consideration  to  almost  every  matter 
which  presents  itself.  Their  usual  method  is  to  en- 
deavor to  secure  the  election  to  the  municipal  legis- 
lative body,  and  also  to  the  executive  department,  of 
men  who  can  be  controlled  in  the  interest  cf  the 
corporate  pool,  either  through  business  channels  or 
by  the  use  of  other  well  known  means.  This  method 
is  usually  followed  by  more  or  less  success  as  far 
as  the  legislative  body  is  concerned, and  a  body  thus 
constituted  is  seldom  on  the  right  ?ide  of  any  ques- 
tion where  the  interests  of  the  taxpayers  are  con- 
cerned. 

"With  regard  to  the  cost    of   municipal   operation 


I.— MUNICIPAL  LIGHT  11 

as  compared  with  corporate  ownership,  I  believe 
that  the  balance  will  be  largely  on  the  side  of  the 
former  when  it  is  considered  that  the  taxpayer  sup- 
plies the  money  which  the  corporations  expend  in  re- 
taining control  of  the  municipal  political  machinery, 
and  that  the  municipality  is  also  called  upon  at  fre- 
quent intervals  to  pay  for  expensive  schemes  which 
are  presented  in  the  guise  of  necessities  but  which 
prove  to  be  plans  for  turning  the  dollars  of  the  tax- 
payers into  the  coffers  of  the  corporations. 
"Yours  respectfully, 

"GEORGE  P.  BEMIS,   Mayor." 

A  large  number  of  letters  received  from  mayors  of 
cities,  and  others  connected  with  municipal  govern- 
ment, indicate  that  a  line  drawn  somewhere  about 
half  way  between  the  two  communications  quoted 
properly  represents  the  true  sentiment  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States  on  the  questions  involved. 

But  perhaps  some  one  will  ask,  What  is  the  neces- 
sity of  such  a  move?  Is  not  Chicago  getting  along 
well  enough  as  to  light  as  matters  stand?  The  city 
has  gas  companies,  electric  corporations,  and  the 
municipality  is  making  considerable  headway  in  light- 
ing the  public  streets.  What  more  is  needed?  In 
reply  I  say  light  in  Chicago  is  costing  five  times  as 
much  as  the  people  should  be  obliged  to  pay.  To 
most  of  the  people  it  ranks  as  an  expensive  luxury; 
to  many  it  is  not  attainable  at  all  except  by  the  use 
of  coal  oil.  Vast  districts  in  Chicago  in  the  poorer 
neighborhoods  are  without  even  gas.  The  gas 
monopoly  does  not  find  it  profitable  to  lay  mains  or 
to  put  in  supply  pipes. 


18  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

More  than  this,  electric  light  is  confined  to  a  very 
few.  It  is  sold  at  a  cost  wholly  beyond  the  means 
of  the  small  business  men  and  is  out  of  question  for 
the  ordinary  home.  It  should  not  be  so.  No  reason 
can  be  found  for  this  scarcity  and  high  cost  of  lights 
except  in  the  greed  of  franchise  manipulators.  Light 
should  always  be  as  cheap  and  as  plentiful  as  water. 

But,  finally,!  hear  some  one  say,  Yes, your  scheme 
is  all  right,  but  it  would  be  an  injustice  to  the  exist- 
ing gas  and  electric  companies.  I  answer,  not  at  all. 
There  is  nothing,  in  all  that  has  been  said,  that  pre- 
vents the  present  gas  companies  from  offering  bids, 
or  the  city  from  accepting  the  same  in  any  move- 
ment to  municipalize  gas  on  the  lines  indicated.  Nor 
is  there  any  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  present  elec- 
trical corporations  taking  a  hand  in  the  work  of 
municipalizing  electricity  to  their  own  advantage.  The 
object  to  be  gained  is  an  abundant  and  cheap  supply 
of  light  to  all  the  people  of  Chicago.  Under  the  pres- 
ent system  this  cannot  be  reached.  Through  the 
plan  proposed  it  can.  That  states  the  whole  case. 

Besides,  if  justice  and  equity  are  to  be  considered, 
where  will  the  people  stand  in  relation  to  the  cor- 
porations? The  latter  have  flourished  at  the  expense 
of  the  inhabitants  long  enough.  Now  let  them  flourish 
together.  It  is  not  that  the  corporations  are  to  be 
put  down,  but  that  the  people  should  be  put  up. 


II.— IMPORTANCE  OF  CHICAGO 

Before  proceeding  further  in  the  discussion  of 
municipalizing  the  quasi-public  service,  involving  the 
more  difficult  undertakings  of  terminating  franchises, 
and  transferring  plants  and  properties  from  monop- 
oly franchise  corporations  to  quasi-public  corpora- 
tions under  city  control,  let  us  pause  for  a  few  min- 
utes to  get,  as  near  as  possible,  an  adequate  under- 
standing of  the  present  and  probable  future  impor- 
tance of  Chicago,  as  a  city,  and  as  a  community.  This 
is  necessary  to  a  proper  comprehension  of  what  is 
required  of  the  municipal  government,  what  that 
government  may  do  under  existing  laws,  and  what 
legislation  is  needed  to  enlarge  its  powers  so  that  it 
may  accomplish  its  full  mission.  This  involves  the 
importance  of  city  government  generally,  but  I  am 
obliged  to  pass  that  with  the  remark  that  it  is  a  sub- 
ject not  generally  understood.  One  is  almost  startled 
at  the  deductions  of  Professor  Bryce,  which  show 
that  while  the  population  of  fifteen  of  our  largest 
cities  increased  from  1860  to  1875  70.5  per  cent, the 
debts  of  the  same  cities  increased  280  per  cent;  the 
taxable  valuation  increased  157  per  cent  and  the 
actual  taxation  increased  363  per  cent. 

19 


20  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

Various  reliable  statistics,  including  the  authority 
mentioned,  furnish  evidence  that,  taking  cities  of  about 
the  same  size  and  requirements,  Boston  expends  six 
times  as  much  as  Birmingham,  England,  and  receives 
less  and  much  inferior  service.  This  must  be  con- 
sidered together  with  the  fact  that  Boston  is  much 
more  economical  in  its  expenditures  than  most  of  the 
western  cities. 

It  appears  from  the  available  statistics  that  Amer- 
ican cities  generally  pay  four  or  five  times  more  than 
English  cities  of  the  same  size  for  like  services.  This 
is  usually  attributed  to  the  newness  and  growing  con- 
dition of  this  country,  but  the  disproportion  does 
not  appear  to  lessen  very  rapidly  with  increased  age. 
However  the  matter  may  be  accounted  for,  the  ex- 
planation fails  utterly  to  diminish  the  weight  of  tax- 
ation that  the  people  have  to  bear. 

But  the  subject  of  municipal  government  becomes 
of  the  greatest  weight  when  considered  in  connection 
with  the  very  rapid  growth  of  American  cities.  Viewed 
in  this  light  the  questions  come  home  to  Chicagoans 
with  great  force  and  imperatively  demand  solution. 

In  the  last  forty  years,  we  are  told  authoritatively, 
the  population  of  cities  in  the  United  States  as 
compared  with  that  of  the  country  outside  of  the 
cities  has  increased  140  per  cent  in  excess.  This 
forces  serious  considerations  upon  thoughtful  men. 
If  the  growth  of  the  last  ten  years  in  cities  is  to  be 
taken  as  a  measure  of  the  increase  of  the  next  thirty 


H —IMPORTANCE  OF  CHICAGO  21 

we  shall  have,  say  in  1920  or  1925,  10,000,000  more 
inhabitants  in  the  cities  than  in  the  districts  out- 
side of  them.  It  is  not  a  difficult  matter  to  compute 
Chicago's  share  of  this  increase. 

It  must  have  occurred  to  all  of  us  that  the  United 
States  is  rapidly  becoming  a  nation  of  cities.  The 
tendency  in  this  direction  is  becoming  stronger  with 
each  decade.  Agricultural  machinery  has  lightened 
and  diminished  the  labors  of  the  farmer.  A  given 
acreage  is  now  cultivated  to  the  highest  degree  of 
capacity  by  half  the  hands  required  a  quarter  of  a 
century  ago.  We  must  expect  even  greater  advances 
in  this  direction. 

On  the  other  hand, the  triumphs  of  skill  in  the  use 
of  labor-saving  machinery  in  industrial  pursuits  cen- 
tralizes the  population.  Great  manufacturing  centers 
are  developed  and  these  forces  must  continue  to  pre- 
vail, permanently  distributing  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country  so  as  to  make  the  cities  larger, if  not  to  some 
extent  depopulating  the  more  thickly  settled  rural 
districts.  These  circumstances  force  upon  us  the 
conclusion  that  the  cities  must  become  more  than 
ever  the  great  centers  of  industrial,  social,  political 
educational  and  religious  life  of  the  people.  Hence 
it  is  that  the  government  of  the  cities  must  come  to 
be  practically  the  government  of  the  whole  country. 
It  is  in  the  light  of  these  facts  that  we 
should  study  the  present  and  future  Chicago  and 
its  governmental  requirements.  In  doing  so  we  will 


22  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

find  ourselves  confronted  with  questions  of  great 
importance.  One  must  see  in  the  not  very  distant 
future  the  necessity  of  uniformity  of  city  government 
in  this  country,  especially  among  the  great  cities. 
There  is  necessarily  a  community  of  interest  among 
large  cities  that  cannot  fail  to  foster  closer  relations 
and  produce  a  greater  similarity  of  municipal  sys- 
tems. 

It  may  not  be  profitable  to  indulge  prophecy,  and 
yet  if  we  are  to  prepare  to  properly  govern  the 
Chicago  of  the  future  we  must  not  only  learn  to 
properly  rule  the  Chicago  of  the  present,  but  antici- 
pate in  some  measure  the  task  that  is  to  be  imposed 
on  those  who  are  to  come  after  us.  Our  duty  is  not 
only  to  take  care  of  the  present  but  to  get  ready  for 
the  future. 

If  we  study  Chicago  properly  we  must  be  con- 
vinced that  it  will  soon  be  the  largest  city  on  this 
continent.  Facts  come  to  our  understanding  which 
force  this  conclusion  upon  intelligence.  Many  thought 
that  the  predictions  of  twenty-five  years  ago  would 
not  be  accomplished,  but  we  now  realize  that  these 
have  fallen  far  behind  the  growth  actually  attained. 

In  a  quarter  of  a  century,  in  spite  of  the  great  fire 
of  1871  and  in  the  face  of  other  serious  obstacles, 
the  population  has  increased  from  a  little  over  250,- 
ooo  to  nearly  2,000,000,  and  long  before  another 
twenty -five  years  shall  have  carried  us  to  the  three- 
quarter  century  point  from  the  date  of  municipal 


II.— IMPORTANCE  OF  CHICAGO  23 

organization, it  will  exceed  3,000,000  and  be  without 
a  peer  among  the  cities  of  America.  These  facts 
should  inspire  the  realization  that  we  not  only  have 
a  momentous  task  on  hand  in  properly  meeting  the 
demands  of  the  present,  but  that  we  are  pioneers  of 
a  greater  Chicago. 

The  elements  of  Chicago's  greatness  have  not  all 
been  developed  by  the  skill,  industry,  intelligence 
and  pluck  of  our  people.  Much  was  done  by  the 
hand  of  nature.  Much  has  been  forced  upon  the 
city  by  circumstances  not  within  the  control  of  man. 
It  was  Rev.  Dr.  H.  W.  Thomas  who  recently  and 
correctly  said  from  the  desk  of  the  People's  church: 

"When  nature  placed  a  great  body  of  water  run- 
ning through  hundreds  of  miles  to  the  north  that 
the  head  of  Lake  Michigan  should  be  near  the  center 
of  the  continent, central  to  all  its  vast  industries  and 
on  the  direct  line  of  travel  and  commerce,  nature 
said:  This  is  the  place  for  the  greatest  city  on  the 
continent,  just  as  nature  said  that  this  continent, 
lying  between  the  two  oceans,  should  contain  the 
greatest  nation  on  the  earth." 

We  are  confronted  by  the  fact  that  in  two  or  three 
years  the  drainage  canal  from  Lake  Michigan  to  the 
Mississippi  will  be  finished.  In  this  achievement 
Chicago  conquers  one  of  the  greatest  engineering 
difficulties  that  have  blocked  the  path  of  its  progress. 
The  Chicago  river  will  be  transformed  into  a  pure 
running,  navigable  stream.  Its  course  will  be 
changed.  Instead  of  its  sluggish  current  toward 
the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  its  hurrying  waters  will 


24  HOH/  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

flow  toward  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  A  waterway  for 
commerce  will  have  been  established  between  New 
York  and  New  Orleans,  and  Chicago  will  enjoy  the 
best  and  most  abundant  water  supply  of  any  city  in 
the  world,  May  we  not  confidently  expect  that  this 
wonderful  accomplishment  will  some  day  be  followed 
by  the  construction  of  the  already  mooted  ship  canal 
between  Lakes  Michigan  and  Erie,  shortening  the 
distance  of  lake  commerce  and  adding  still  greater 
facilities  for  our  commercial,  industrial  and  cosmo- 
politan growth. 

Chicago's  growth  is  natural  and  well  balanced. 
The  development  of  the  city  is  equally  wonderful  on 
all  lines.  Chicago  is  great  in  its  law  and  medical 
progress;  it  is  a  literary,  music  and  art  center;  its 
park  and  boulevard  system  is  the  finest  and  most 
extensive  in  the  world  Every  year  is  adding  to  the 
glory  of  the  city  on  these  lines. 

The  population  of  the  city  is  cosmopolitan  and  its 
heterogeneous  elements  afford  the  best  guarantee 
that  here  in  Chicago  will  be  worked  out  in  advance 
of  other  places  the  great  problem  of  a  distinctively 
American  nationality.  Here  all  languages  of  the 
earth  are  spoken.  Here  the  people  may  teach  and 
preach  and  pray  and  sing  in  any  and  all  tongues, 
free  and  unrestricted,  except  by  the  wholesome 
provision  that  all  of  our  150,000  children  and  the 
hundreds  of  thousands  that  are  to  come  after  them 
shall  learn  to  speak  and  write  the  national  language. 


II.—1MPOR  TA \CE  OF  CHICAGO  25 

Here  the  heterogeneous  is  becoming  homogeneous, 
and  assimilation  is  developing  on  lines  that  will 
secure  to  the  nationality  that  is  being  evolved  all 
that  is  good  and  worth  preserving  in  those  that  are 
fading  under  the  weight  of  the  new  civilization. 
Chicago's  last  school  census  gives  the  city  a  popu- 
lation of  nearly  2,000,000.  These  inhabitants  rep- 
resent all  the  nations  and  tongues  of  every  civiliza- 
tion of  the  world. 

Chicago's  greatest  weakness  is  to  be  found  in  its 
system  of  government. 

As  at  present  constituted  it  is  calculated 
in  some  respects  to  hamper  rather  than 
facilitate  the  prosperity  of  the  city.  In  the  first 
place  we  have  too  many  governments  of  one  kind 
and  another  within  the  city  limits.  At  least  two 
of  these  should  be  abolished  as  soon  as  the  state 
constitution  can  be  amended  or  revised  so  as  to  per- 
mit the  step  to  be  taken.  County  and  town  rule 
must  go.  Neither  are  required  within  the  city  limits. 
Both  are  a  useless  burden  to  the  people.  Chicago 
should  be  given  the  right  of  self-government  in  one 
undivided  system.  The  present  constitution  pro- 
hibits this  by  providing  for  the  existing  complex, 
cumbersome  and  expensive  plan. 

Relief  in  this  direction  can  come  only  from  legis- 
lative action.  It  should  not  be  delayed  longer  than 
is  necessary  to  go  through  the  forms  required  to 
change  the  fundamental  laws  governing  such  proced- 


26  HOIV  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

ure.  If  it  cannot  be  accomplished  by  submitting 
amendments  to  the  people,  then  steps  should  be 
taken  to  provide  for  a  convention  on  revision,  so  that 
the  constitutional  barriers  to  legislative  action  on  be- 
half of  the  city  may  be  removed. 


III.— TO  MUNICIPALIZE    TRANSIT 

Two  things  are  needed  in  connection  with  the 
Chicago  city  government.  One  is  that  all  the  quasi- 
public  service,  such  as  electric  lighting,  gas  lighting, 
electric  and  gas  heating,  power  supply,  telephone 
and  messenger  service,  transit,  and  the  means  of 
communication  generally,  within  the  municipal  juris- 
diction, should  be  brought  under  such  measure  of 
city  control  as  will  fully  protect  the  interests  and 
subserve  the  wants  of  the  people,  and  secure  to  the 
city  adequate  revenues  therefrom.  The  other  is  that 
the  municipal  government  itself  should  be  recon- 
structed, and  placed  under  civil  service  laws,  so  as 
to  more  fully  meet  its  requirements  and  responsi- 
bilities. 

All  that  has  been  said  in  the  first  part  of  this  work 
concerning  municipalizing  electricity,  and  providing 
an  abundant,  cheap  supply  of  light  to  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Chicago  may  be  done,  and  done  at  once, 
under  existing  municipal  laws  and  powers.  The 
task  should  be  entered  upon  without  delay,  and  if  the 
people  are  alive  to  their  interests  they  will  see  that 
it  be  made  an  issue  in  the  pending  civic  elections 

to  such    an  extent    that    a    mayor    and    council    be 

27 


28  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

elected  favorable  to  the  scheme.  Any  candidate  run- 
ning for  a  city  office,  or  for  a  seat  on  the  Board  of 
Aldermen,  who  will  not  pledge  himself  to  this  plan  of 
reform,  so  far  as  its  general  outlines  are  concerned, 
should  be  defeated.  The  people  have  the  matter 
in  their  own  hands,  at  this  time.  It  is  for  them  to 
act,  or  continue  in  modern  slavery. 

But  that  branch  of  municipalizing  that  I  am  now 
about  to  consider — city  control  over  surface  and 
elevated  railways,  the  terminating  of  franchises, upon 
expiration,  or  otherwise,  and  the  transfer  of  vested 
and  property  rights  from  monopoly  corporations  to 
quasi-public  corporations  under  municipal  control, 
cannot  be  successfully  carried  out  without  the  aid  of 
legislation.  The  laws  required,  however,  are  very 
simple,  and  wholly  within  constitutional  limits. 

In  the  first  place  there  should  be  better  statutory 
provisions  for  terminating  a  municipal  franchise.  As 
the  laws  now  stand,  the  way  is  opened,  legally,  for 
any  city  in  the  state  to  grant  franchises  to  run  for 
a  period  of  twenty  years  for  any  number  of  purposes, 
and  about  all  the  city  can  do,  when  the  life  of  the 
privilege  expires,  is  to  renew  it  for  a  like  term.  The 
first  thing  the  corporation  does  after  getting  posses- 
sion of  valuable  rights  is  to  acquire  property  or  plant 
and  to  establish  the  rights  of  property.  When  its 
franchise  terminates  a  question  arises  which  cannot 
be  adjusted  by  law,  equity  or  anything  else  available 
for  the  purpose.  The  city  cannot  purchase  the  assets 


III.— TO  MUNICIPALIZE  TRANSIT  29 

of  the  corporation,  first,  for  want  of  money,  and, 
secondly,  because  it  has  no  power  to  make  use  of 
them  on  the  lines  for  which  they  were  created. 

On  the  other  hand  such  assets,  without  the  fran- 
chise, are  of  no  value  to  the  corporation.  Our  fun- 
damental laws  might  as  well  have  authorized  per- 
petual TFanchises  as  to  have  left  the  question  in  its 
present  shape.  The  corporations,  however,  are  very 
well  satisfied  with  the  laws  as  they  stand,  for,having 
once  obtained  a  franchise,  they  are  morally  certain 
of  securing  its  renewal  as  often  as  it  expires,  generally 
on  better  terms  than  were  contained  in  the  original 
grant. 

A  law  is  required  that  will  designate  a  court  to 
which  the  city  may  apply,  when  any  franchise  is 
about  to  expire,  for  the  appointment  of  a  board  of 
arbitration,  which  board,  acting  as  a  part  of  the 
court  for  the  purposes  for  which  it  is  created,  shall 
ascertain  the  true  value  of  the  assets  of  the  corpo- 
ration holding  such  franchise,  including  the  plants 
and  other  property  required  for  the  legitimate  bus- 
iness for  which  the  corporation  was  authorized  and 
the  franchise  was  granted,  such  valuation,  when  .ap- 
proved and  confirmed  by  the  court,  to  be  final,  and 
to  be  accepted  by  the  company  at  interest  in  full 
settlement  of  all  rights  and  interests  in  such  property. 

In  this  way  the  city  could,  at  the  expiration  of  any 
franchise,  terminate  the  same,  acquire  the  plants  and 
properties  that  had  grown  up  under  its  use,  and,  by 


:tu  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

the  aid  of  other  laws,  operate  them  on  its  own 
account,  or,  through  the  agency  of  a  quasi-public 
corporation,  under  municipal  control,  have  the  busi- 
ness carried  on  to  the  best  advantage  of  the  people. 

As  the  reader,  no  doubt,  apprehends,  I  am  leading 
up  to  a  plan  for  terminating  all  the  franchises  now 
in  existence,  granted  by  the  mayor  and  council  of 
Chicago,  for  the  operation  of  street  or  elevated  rail- 
ways in  the  city,  when  such  franchises  shall  expire, 
or  sooner,  and  for  the  transfer  of  all  plants  and 
properties  of  the  corporations  now  operating  such 
railways,  to  the  city,  or,  what  is  perhaps  better, 
to  a  corporation  or  corporations  that  shall  be  directly 
under  municipal  control. 

Probably  the  most  remarkable  feature  of  this 
whole  proposition  is  the  ease  and  certainty  and 
equity  by  which  it  may  be  carried  out.  All  that  is 
required  for  its  accomplishment  is  the  creation  of 
public  sentiment  in  its  favor  strong  enough  to  elect 
a  mayor  and  board  of  aldermen  pledged  to  do  the 
work.  It  will  not  take  long.  A  considerable  num- 
ber of  railway  franchises  will  expire  in  a  short  time, 
— all  within  twenty  years.  The  work  may  be  under- 
taken at  once,  or  as  soon  as  the  simple  measure  re- 
ferred to  is  enacted  at  Springfield;  and, once  the  plan 
is  enforced  in  part,  the  new  order  proposed  will 
absorb  the  old  objectionable  regime  long  before 
half  the  franchises  expire. 

Under  this  plan  a  vast  system  of    transit    may  be 


III.— TO  MUNICIPALIZE  TRANSIT  31 

developed  and  perfected  in  Chicago  that  will  give 
its  inhabitants 

i. — Rapid,  safe,  and  comfortable  transit  to  all 
parts  of  the  city. 

2. — Large,  well  ventilated,  well  heated,  comfort- 
able cars  and  seats  for  all. 

3. — One  fare  from  any  point  within  the  city  limits 
to  any  other  point,  with  a  perfect  transfer  system. 

4. — Commodious  and  well  heated  waiting  rooms 
at  convenient  points  for  the  accommodation  of  pas- 
sengers. 

5. — Eight  rides  for  twenty-five  cents  between  the 
hours  of  5: 30  and  8  o'clock  A.  M.  and  5:30  and  8 
o'clock  P.  M. 

6. — Six  rides  for  a  quarter  at  all  other  times. 

7. — Sufficient  number  of  lines  and  cars  to  accom- 
modate all,  the  cars  to  be  run  at  intervals  and  at  rates 
of  speed  to  be  regulated  by  the  city  engineer  with 
the  approval  of  the  mayor  and  council. 

8. — Extensions  to  be  made  and  additional  cars  to 
be  attached  whenever  required  by  the  city. 

9. — A  just  proportion  of  the  gross  receipts  to  be 
paid  into  the  city  treasury  monthly. 

The  first  step  to  secure  this  great  blessing  to  the 
people  of  Chicago,  as  soon  as  the  law  referred  to 
is  secured,  is  for  the  city  to  pass  a  comprehensive 
ordinance  as  a  basis  upon  which  to  ask  proposals  for 
the  purchase  of  a  twenty-year  franchise,  with  the 
option  of  renewal,  as  far  as  such  option  can  bind 


:!2  HOIV  TO  GOYERN  CHICAGO 

the  parties  to  the  contract,  so  that  syndicates  or 
corporations  can  be  formed  for  making  proposals,  on 
a  basis  of  a  capitalization  equal  to  the  undertaking, 
either  as  a  whole,  or  in  three  divisions,  so  that  the 
city  would  at  once  have,  at  command,  ample  means 
for  carrying  out  the  plan. 

For  such  corporations,  under  municipal  control, 
all  new  transit  franchises  would  be  available,  and 
all  old  lines  as  fast  as  franchises  expired,  or  were 
sooner  terminated — the  systems  of  transit  in  all 
cases  to  be  under  and  in  compliance  with  the  plans 
of  the  city. 

Under  this  scheme  the  whole  system  or  systems 
would  be  under  the  department  of  public  service 
referred  to  under  the  head  of  MUNICIPAL  LiGHT,in  the 
first  part  of  this  work,  and  in  charge  of  an  engineer 
of  ability  and  experience. 

I  must  hasten  to  demonstrate  the  practicability 
of  this  scheme,  drawing  the  proof  from  municipal 
experience  elsewhere,  or  suffer  from  the  charge  of 
being  visionary.  All  that  I  have  here  recommended 
has  been  accomplished  in  the  city  of  Toronto, 
Canada,  under  difficulties  much  greater  than  con- 
front Chicago,  within  the  last  four  years. 

And  now  for  the  proof. 

In  1891  the  franchise  granted  to  the  Toronto 
street  railway  system  expired.  The  concession  had 
been  for  thirty  years.  It  was  voted  by  the  city  in 
1 86 1.  The  company  had  become  a  greater  monopoly, 


III. -TO  MUNICIPALIZE  TRANSIT  33 

in  proportion  to  the  size  of  the  city,  than  the  Yerkes 
system  is  to-day  in  Chicago.  Senator  Frank  Smith, 
who  controlled  the  system  there, had  shown  himself 
absolutely  deaf  to  the  oft  repeated  reasonable  de- 
mands of  the  people.  The  cars  were  filthy,  inade- 
quate, infrequent,  and  altogether  unsatisfactory. 
Baron  Smith  went  on  piling  up  money,  abusing 
the  people,  violating  franchise-imposed  obligations, 
and  doing  about  as  he  pleased.  He  oppressed  his 
employes,  and  strikes  followed.  The  last  one  that 
occurred  resolved  itself  into  a  conflict  between  the 
street  car  magnate  and  the  people. 

The  issue  found  its  way  into  local  politics  and 
aldermen  were  elected  or  defeated  on  it.  Finally 
the  years  of  the  monopoly  drew  to  a  close  and  the 
city  authorities  resolved  that  the  franchise  should 
not  be  renewed  to  the  old  company.  Provincial 
legislation  was  secured,  just  as  has  been  recom- 
mended for  Chicago  on  these  pages,  providing  for  a 
court  of  arbitration  to  determine  the  value  of  the 
company's  property.  This  was  done  with  a  view 
to  terminating  the  franchise  at  its  expiration  in  1891. 

But  Toronto  had  no  more  money  in  its  treasury 
than  has  Chicago  to-day,  and  Baron  Smith  laughed 
in  his  sleeve  at  the  whole  movement,  fully  believing 
that  it  would  come  to  naught,  and  that  the  city 
would  be  compelled  to  grant  him  another  thirty 
years'  lease  under  which  to  oppress  the  people  for 
the  benefit  of  his  private  exchequer. 


::  1  HO1V  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

When  the  time  came  the  city  went  into  court  and 
asked  for  a  board  of  arbitration  under  the  law  for 
the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  legal  value  of  the 
railway  property.  The  railway  was  cited  to  appear 
and  show  cause  why  the  arbitration  should  not  be 
proceeded  with.  It  put  in  an  appearance  and  for 
answer  pleaded  that  the  city  could  not  purchase  be- 
cause it  did  not  possess  the  money,  nor  the  means  to 
obtain  it.  The  plea  was  overruled,  and  the  arbitra- 
tion proceeded,  and  in  due  time  the  arbitrators  pre- 
sented the  result  of  their  labors,  which  was  confirmed 
by  the  court. 

This  document  may  not  prove  entertaining  to  the 
average  reader,  but  I  reproduce  it  here  except  the 
schedules  for  the  benefit  of  those  of  the  legal  pro- 
fession who  may  become  actively  interested  in  car- 
rying out  a  similar  work  for  Chicago: 

'  'AWARD  OF    THE    ARBITRATORS  IN  RE  THE  TORONTO 
STREET  RAILWAY. 

"To  whom  all  these  presents  shall  come: 
"We,  Edmund  John  Senkler,  of  the  City  of  St. 
Catharines,  in  the  County  of  Lincoln,  and  Province 
of  Ontario,  Judge  of  the  County  Court  of  the  Ccuniy 
of  Lincoln,  and  Charles  Henry  Ritchie,  of  the  City 
of  Toronto,  in  the  County  of  York,  and  Province  of 
Ontario,  one  of  Her  Majesty's  counsel  learned  in 
the  laws,  send  greeting: 

"Whereas  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Toronto, 
by  notice  in  writing  bearing  date  the  twenty-third 
day  of  November,  A.  D.  1889,  and  under  the  cor- 


III.— TO  MUNICIPALIZE  TRANSIT  35 

porate  seal  of   the  said  the  Corporation  of    the  City 
of    Toronto,     and    the    hand    of    Edward   Frederick 
Clarke,  Esquire,  M.  PP.,  Mayor  of  the  said  City, and 
Richard  Theodore   Coady,    Esquire,  treasurer  of  the 
said  the    Corporation  of    the  City  of  Toronto,    and 
keeper  of    the  City    seal,  addressed  to    the  Toronto 
Street  Railway  Company,  and  served    upon  the  said 
the  Toronto  Street   Railway  Company  upon  the  said 
twenty-third  day  of  November,  A.  D.    1889,    did   re- 
quire   the  said,   the  Toronto   Street   Railway  Com- 
pany,   to  take  notice  that  the    Corporation    of    the 
City  of  Toronto  intended,  at  the  expiration  of  the  term 
of  the   franchise  granted    to    Alexander  Easton,  Es- 
quire, by  certain  resolutions  adopted  by  the  municipal 
Council  of  the   said   Corporation  on     the   fourteenth 
day  of  March,  1 86 1, and  by  a  certain  agreement  made 
on  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  March,  1861,  between  the 
Corporation  of  the  City  of    Toronto,  and  Alexander 
Easton,  and  by  a  certain  By-law  of   the  said  Corpo- 
ration passed  on  the  twenty-second  day  of  July,  1861, 
and  numbered  353  (and  which  franchise  the  said  Com- 
pany then  claimed   the   right   to   exercise),  and   also 
of  certain  other  franchises    subsequently  granted  by 
the  said  Municipal  Council  at  different  times  for  the 
said  term  to  the  Toronto  Street  Railway  Company, 
to  assume    the  ownership  of   these    railways  of    the 
said  Company,  and  of  all  real  and  personal  property 
in  connection  with  the  working  thereof,  on  payment 
of  their  value  to  be  determined  by  arbitration. 

"And  whereas  by  an  order  made  in  the  High  Court 
of  Justice,  Chancery  Division,  by  the  Honorable  the 
Chancellor  of  Ontario,  on  Wednesday,  the  eighteenth 
day  of  June,  A,  D.  1890,  in  the  matter  of  an  arbitra- 
tion between  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Toronto 
and  the  Toronto  Street  Railway  Company,  and  in 
the  matter  of  the  Acts  of  the  Legislature  of  the 
Province  of  Ontario,  52  Victoria,  Chapter  13,  and  53 


36  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

Victoria,  Chapter  105,  upon  motion  that  day  made 
unto  the  said  Court  by  Mr.  Robinson,  Q.  C.,  of 
counsel  for  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Toronto, 
and  upon  reading  the  affidavit  of  C.  R.  W.  Biggar, 
Q.  C.,  a  certain  notice  served  by  the  said  City  of 
Toronto  on  the  said  Toronto  Street  Railway  Com- 
pany on  the  twenty-third  day  of  November,  1889 
(being  the  notice  hereinbefore  recited),  the  affidavit 
of  Patrick  Joseph  McCormack,  being  the  affidavit  of 
service  of  such  notice,  and  upon  reading  the  notice 
of  motion  therein,  and  a  certain  agreement  made 
between  one  Alexander  Easton  and  the  said  the 
Corporation  of  the  City  of  Toronto,  on  the  twenty- 
sixth  day  of  March,  A.  D.  1861  (being  the  agreement 
mentioned  and  referred  to  in  said  notice),  and  upon 
hearing  counsel,  the  Honorable  the  Chancellor  of 
Ontario  did,  pursuant  to  the  statute  firstly  above 
named  by  the  said  order,  appoint  Edmund  John 
Senkler,  of  the  City  cf  St.  Catharines,  Judge  of  the 
County  Court  of  the  County  of  Lincoln,  Samuel 
Barker,  Esquire,  and  Charles  Henry  Ritchie,  one  of 
Her  Majesty's  counsel  learned  in  the  law,  the  arbi- 
trators to  ascertain  the  value  to  be  determined  by 
arbitration  under  the  said  agreement. 

"And  whereas  the  said  arbitrators  duly  took  upon 
themselves  the  burthen  of  the  said  reference  and 
arbitration,  and  duly  weighed  and  considered  the 
several  allegations  made  by  and  on  behalf  of  the 
said  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Toronto  ar.d  the 
said  the  Toronto  Street  Railway  Company,  the 
parties  thereto  and  also  the  proofs,  vouchers  and  doc- 
uments which  have  been  given  in  evidence  before 
them. 

"Now,  therefore,  we  the  said  Edmund  John  Senk- 
ler, and  Charles  Henry  Ritchie,  being  two  cf  the 
above-named  arbitrators  (Samuel  Barker,  the  other 
of  said  arbitrators  not  joining  in  its  award,  although 


III.— TO  MUNICIPALIZE  TRANSIT  37 

present  at  the  making  thereof),  do  hereby  make 
and  publish  this  our  award  of  and  concerning  the 
matters  so  referred  to  us  as  aforesaid,  in  manner 
following,  that  is  to  say: 

"We  find,  award,  adjudge  and  determine  the  value 
of  the  railways  of  the  said  Toronto  Street  Railway 
Company,  and  of  all  real  and  personal  property  in 
connection  with  the  working  thereof,  to  be  the  sum 
of  one  million, four  hundred  and  fifty-three  thousand, 
seven  hundred  and  eighty-eight  dollars  ($1,453,788). 

"We  further  find,  award,  adjudge  and  determine 
that  the  said  railways,  and  the  said  real  and  per- 
sonal property  so  valued  by  us,  consist  of  and  include 
all  the  railways,  and  all  the  real  and  personal  prop- 
erty specified  or  mentioned  in  the  schedule  hereunto 
annexed,  and  also  all  other  railways  belonging  to 
or  worked  or  constructed  by  the  Toronto  Street 
Railway  Company  within  the  City  of  Toronto  afore- 
said, and  all  other  real  and  personal  property  of  the 
Toronto  Street  Railway  Company  used  or  intended 
to  be  used  in  connection  with  their  said  railways  or 
any  of  them,  and  that  the  above-mentioned  sum  so 
found  by  us  is  the  value  of  all  said  railways,  and  of 
all  said  real  and  personal  property  free  and  clear  and 
fully  and  completely  exonerated  and  forever  dis- 
charged of  and  from  all  mortgages,  debentures, bonds, 
debts,  liens,  encumbrances,  claims  and  demands 
whatsoever  either  at  law  or  in  equity,  and  of  every 
nature  and  kind  whatsoever. 

"We  are  of  opinion  that  the  true  construction  of 
the  agreement  of  the  twenty-sixth  March,  1861, 
between  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Toronto  and 
Alexander  Easton,  and  the  resolutions  recited  there- 
in, the  right  and  privilege  to  construct,  maintain  and 
operate  street  railways  upon  certain  streets  in  the 
City  of  Toronto  was  granted  to  the  said  Easton  for 
the  period  of  thirty  years  from  the  date  therein  men- 


::8  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

tioned  only,  and  not  in  perpetuity,  and  that  all  street 
railways  constructed  in  the  City  of  Toronto  by  said 
Easton,  or  by  the  Toronto  Street  Railway  Company, 
have  been  constructed  and  operated  under  privileges 
for  the  same  term  of  thirty  years  and  not  in  perpe- 
tuity, and  in  valuing  said  railways  we  have  valued 
the  same  as  being  railways  in  use  capable  of  being, 
and  intended  to  be  used  and  operated  as  street  rail- 
ways, but  have  not  allowed  anything  for  the  value  of 
any  piivilege  or  franchise  extending  beyond  the 
period  of  thirty  years,  as  we  ccnsider  no  privilege 
or  franchise  exists  beyond  that  period. 

"We  are  also  of  opinion  that  on  the  true  construc- 
tion of  the  agreement  of  the  nineteenth  January, 
1889,  between  the  Toronto  Street  Railway  Company 
and  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  Toronto,  the 
Company  is  not  entitled  to  be  paid  for  permanent 
pavements  constructed  by  the  City  subsequent  to  the 
thirty-first  December,  1888,  and  we  also  think  that 
such  pavements  cannot  be  considered  as  having  been 
constructed  or  paid  for  by  the  Company  as  to  entitle 
it  to  any  allowance  therefor  under  the  fifth  section 
of  chapter  fifty-eight,  fortieth  Victoria  (Statutes  of 
Ontario),  and  we  have  therefore  not  allowed  any- 
thing in  respect  thereof.  In  valuing  the  pavements 
constructed  prior  to  the  first  January,  1889,  we  have 
not  made  any  deduction  in  respect  of  used  life  of 
such  last  mentioned  pavements  subsequent  to  that 
date, as  having  regard  to  the  terms  of  the  said  Agree- 
ment of  the  nineteenth  January,  1889,  we  do  not 
think  any  such  deduction  should  be  made. 

"It  was  shown  in  evidence  before  us  that  the 
property  valued  by  us  is  (in  whole  or  in  part)  subject 
to  the  following  encumbrances,  that  is  to  say:  De- 
bentures issued  by  the  Toronto  Street  Railway 
Company  under  the  authority  of  the  Act  (Statutes  of 
Ontario)  forty-seventh  Victoria,  chapter  seventy- 


III.— TO  MUNICIPALIZE  TRANSIT  39 

seven,  for  the  principal  sum  of  six  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  payable  on  the  first  July,  1914,  and  bearing 
interest  at  the  rate  of  six  per  cent  per  annum,  pay- 
able half-yearly. 

"Mortgage  in  favor  of  one  Platt  for  eight  thousand 
dollars  (principal  money),  payable  on  the  first  July, 
1892,  with  interest  at  the  rate  of  six  per  cent  per 
annum. 

"Mortgage  in  favor  of  one  Crovvther  for  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  dollars  (principal  money),  pay  able 
on  the  twenty-eighth  of  April,  1891,  with  interest  at 
the  rate  of  six  per  cent  per  annum. 

"Mortgage  in  favor  of  one  Gooderham  for  twenty- 
six  thousand  dollars  (principal  money),  payable  on 
the  first  November,  1891,  with  interest  at  the  rate  of 
five  per  cent  per  annum. 

"Mortgage  in  favor  of  one  Allen  for  two  thousand 
five  hundred  dollars  (principal  money),  payable  on 
the  twenty-second  December,  1891,  with  interest 
at  the  rate  of  six  per  cent  per  annum. 

"And  mortgage  in  favor  of  one  Parsons  for  two 
thousand  dollars  (principal  money),  payable  on  the 
first  day  of  November,  1891,  with  interest  at  the 
rate  of  six  per  cent  per  annum. 

"In  witness  whereof  we  the  said  Edmund  John 
Senkler  and  Charles  Henry  Ritchie  (being  a  majority 
of  the  said  arbitrators),  have  hereunto  set  our  hands 
this  fifteenth  day  of  April,  A.  D.  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  ninety-one. 

"(Signed)      E.  J.  SENKLER. 
"(Signed;       C.  H.  RITCHIE. 

"Signed  and  published  the  fifteenth  day  of  April, 
A.  D.  1891,  by  the  said  Edmund  John  Senkler  and 
Charles  Henry  Ritchie  (the  above-mentioned  Samuel 
Barker  being  present  at  the  time,  although  not  join- 
ing in  the  award),  in  presence  of 

"(Signed)  J.  F,  MIDDLETON." 


40  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

When  this  award  had  become  law,  and  indeed 
before  that,  the  city  asked  for  proposals,  looking  to 
the  formation  of  a  new  company  that  should  pur- 
chase the  plant  together  with  a  new  franchise  and 
carry  on  the  business  of  operating  street  railways  in 
Toronto  under  city  control.  The  conditions  upon 
which  bids  were  invited  are  set  forth  in  a  lengthy 
document,  which  I  would  give  on  these  pages  did 
space  permit.  Following,  however,  is  a  very  complete 
summary  of  it.  The  instrument  begins: 

"i.  The  privilege  to  be  disposed  of  is  the  exclusive 
right  (subject  as  hereinafter  provided)  to  operate 
surface  street  railways  in  the  City  of  Toronto — ex- 
cepting on  "the  Island"  and  on  that  portion  (if  any) 
of  Yonge  Street, from  the  Ontario  and  Quebec  railway 
tracks  to  the  north  City  limits,  o\er  which  the 
Metropolitan  Street  Railway  Company  claims  an  ex- 
clusive right  to  operate  such  railways, and  the  portion 
(if  any)  of  Queen  Street  West  (Lake  Shore  Road) 
over  which  any  exclusive  right  to  operate  surface 
street  railways  may  have  been  granted  by  the  Cor- 
poration of  the  County  of  York — for  a  period  of 
twenty  years,  which  shall  be  renewed  for  a  further 
period  of  ten  years  in  the  event  of  legislation  being 
obtained  to  enable  this  to  be  done;  and  the  City  will 
assist  in  endeavoring  to  secure  legislation. 

"(«)  Over  those  portions  of  Yonge  Street  and 
Queen  Street  West  (Lake  Shore  Road)  above  in- 
dicated,the  purchaser  shall  have  an  exclusive  right  to 
operate  surface  street  railways,  so  far  as  the  city  can 
legally  grant  the  same. 

"2.  The  party  whose  tender  is  accepted  (and  who 
is  herein  called  "the  purchaser")  must  take  over  all 
the  property  to  be  acquired  by  the  City  from  the 


III.— TO  MUNICIPALIZE  TRANSIT  41 

Toronto  Street  Railway  Company,  as  it  stands  on 
the  date  of  the  acceptance  of  the  tender,  including 
the  rails,  points,  and  substructures  of  all  tracks  now 
laid,  real  estate,  buildings,  shops,  rolling  stock, 
horses,  machinery,  stock  and  all  other  articles  cov- 
ered by  the  award  of  the  Board  of  Arbitrators,  at 
the  amount  of  said  award." 

It  was  further  set  forth  that  the  purchaser  must 
accept  the  title  acquired  by  the  city,  the  amounts  to 
be  paid,  dates  of  payment;  and  further, that  the  un- 
dertaking should  not  be  charged  with  bonds  or  deben- 
tures for  a  longer  period  than  the  term  of  the  contract, 
and  must  satisfy  the  city  that  means  were  provided 
for  meeting  such  obligations  at  maturity.  It  further 
provided: 

"At  the  termination  of  this  contract  the  City  may 
(in  the  event  of  the  Council  so  determining)take  over 
all  the  real  and  personal  property  necessary  to  be 
used  in  connection  with  the  working  of  the  said  rail- 
ways, at  a  value  to  be  determined  by  one  or  more 
arbitrators  (not  exceeding  three)  to  be  appointed  as 
provided  in  the  Municipal  Act  and  the  Acts  respect- 
ing Arbitrations  and  References,  and  to  have  all  the 
powers  of  arbitrators  appointed  under  said  Acts, 
and  each  party  shall  bear  one- half  of  the  cost  of  the 
necessary  arbitration  at  conclusion  of  term  of  lease, 
but  the  City  shall  only  pay  for  the  land  conveyed  by 
them  to  the  purchaser,  what  it  is  worth,  without  ref- 
erence to  its  value  for  the  purpose  of  operating  a 
street  railway  or  railways. 

"The  City  will  construct,  reconstruct  and  maintain 
in  repair  the  street  railway  portion  of  the  roadway, 
viz.,  for  double  track,  16  ft.  6  in.,  and  for  single 
track,  8ft.  3in.,  on  all  streets  traversed  by  the  railway 


42  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHIC/ICO 

system,  but  not  the  tracks  and  substructure  required 
(or  the  said  railways." 

The  terms  of  sale  or  conditions  upon  which  pro- 
posals were  received  further  provided, in  detail, as  to 
tracks,  a  complete  electric  system  of  roads  for  the 
whole  city;  the  funds  necessary  for  the  undertaking, 
and  stipulated  that  the  "purchaser  will  be  required  to 
establish  and  lay  down  new  lines,  and  to  ex- 
tend the  tracks  and  street  car  service  on 
such  streets  as  may  be,  from  time  to  time, 
recommended  by  the  City  Engineer  and  approved 
by  the  City  Council,  within  such  period  as  may  be 
fixed  by  By-law  to  be  passed  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds 
of  all  the  members  of  said  Council;  and  all  such  ex- 
tensions and  newv  lines  shall  be  regulated  by  the 
same  terms  and  conditions  as  relate  to  the  existing 
system,  and  the  right  to  operate  the  same  shall  ter- 
minate at  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  this  contract." 

It  was  provided  that  the  speed  and  service  should 
be  regulated  by  the  city,  that  night  cars  should  be 
run,  and  as  follows  as  to  tickets  and  fares: 

"Single  (cash)  fares  are  to  be  five  cents  each. 

"Fares  on  night  cars  are  to  be  double  the  ordinary 
maximum  single  fare  rates. 

"A  class  of  tickets  must  be  sold  at  the  rate  of  8  for 
25  cents,  the  same  to  be  used  only  by  pas- 
sengers entering  the  cars  between  the  time  the  day 
cars  commence  running  and  8  a.  m.,  and  between 
5  and  6:30  p.  m. 

"A  class  of  tickets  must  be  sold  at  the  rate  of  25 
for  $i,  and 

"Another  class  at  the  rate  of  6  for  25  cents. 


III.— TO  MUNICIPALIZE  TRANSIT.  43 

"Children  under  nine  years  of  age, and  not  in  arms, 
are  to  be  carried  at  half  fare  rates,  and  infants  in 
arms  are  to  be  carried  free;  school  children  are  to 
have  school  tickets  at  the  rate  of  10  for  25  cents, 
only  to  be  used  between  8  a.  m.  and  5  p.  m.,  and  not 
on  Saturdays, 

"The  payment  of  a  fare  shall  entitle  the  passenger 
to  a  continuous  ride  from  any  point  on  sa-id  railway 
to  any  other  point  on  a  main  line  or  branch  of  said 
railway  within  the  City  limits;  and  to  enable  this 
service  to  be  carried  out,  transfer  arrangements  must 
be  made  by  the  purchaser  to  meet  with  the  approval 
of  the  City  Engineer  and  the  endorsation  of  the 
Council. 

"Police  Constables  in  uniform,  Detective  Police 
Officers  in  the  employ  of  the  City,  and  (while  a  fire 
is  in  progress)  members  of  the  City  Fire  Department 
in  uniform,  shall  be  carried  free. 

"The  purchaser  shall  be  liable  to, and  shall  indem- 
nify the  City  against,  all  damages  arising  out  of  the 
construction  or  operation  of  the  said  railway  system." 

It  was  provided  that  cars  should  be  of  the  most 
approved  design  "for  service  and  comfort,  including 
heating,  lighting,  signal  appliance, numbers  and  route 
boards.  They  must  be  kept  clean  inside  and  out, 
and  shall  not  exhibit  advertisements  outside  unless 
under  permit  from  the  City  Engineer.  The  platforms 
must  be  provided  with  gates.  Cars  are  to  be  used 
exclusively  for  the  conveyance  of  passengers,  unless 
otherwise  permitted  by  the  City  Engineer."  The  con- 
ductors were  to  be  uniformed,  and  a  sufficient  number 
of  cars  were  to  be  provided  to  accommodate  all  the 
people.  Employes  of  the  road  were  not  to  be  re- 


44  HOW  TO  GO1/EN  CHICAGO 

quired  to  work  more  than  ten  hours  a  day  or  sixty 
hours  a  week,  or  more  than  six  days  in  the  week, 
and  no  adult  employe  should  receive  less  than  fifteen 
cents  per  hour.  There  were  many  other  conditions, but 
these  will  show  to  some  extent  how  the  people  were 
to  be  protected. 

You  will  ask,  What  was  the  result  of  all  thisPThe  an- 
swer is  in  a  nutshell.  The  competition  of  bidders  for  the 
privilege  was  spirited.  Several  proposals  were  re- 
ceived, backed  by  heavy  deposits  as  a  guarantee  of  good 
faith.  Abundant  capital  was  at  once  at  command. 
One  of  the  bids  was  accepted,  and  a  contract  was 
entered  into.  In  short,  the  street  railway  system 
of  Toronto  was  municipalized,  and  to-day  it  has  one 
of  the  most  perfect  systems  of  the  kind  to  be  found 
on  the  American  continent,  with  ample  accommoda- 
tions for  all.  Clause  16  of  the  contract  provides  that 
the  company  shall  pay,  monthly  to  the  city,  the 
following  percentages  of  the  gross  receipts: 

On  all  gross  receipts  up  to  $1,000,000  per  annum,  8  per  cent. 
Between  $1,000,000  and  1,500,000  10  " 

"  1,500,000     "  2,000,000.  "  12          " 

2,000,000     "  3,000,000  15  •' 

And  on  all   gross   receipts   over  3,000,000  "  20 

And  in  addition  to  the  above  the  sum  of  $800  per 
annum  per  mile  of  single  track,  or  $1,600  per  mile 
of  double  track.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  Toronto, 
besides  receiving  excellent  service,  is  deriving  a  large 
annual  revenue  from  its  street  railways. 

In  this  matter  Toronto  has  done  well.  This  book  is 
written  that  Chicago  may  be  induced  to  do  likewise. 


IV.— MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 

Cities  in  the  United  States  are  left,  in  a  great 
measure,  to  work  out  their  own  destinies.  Congress, 
unlike  European  parliaments,  is  not  permitted  to  in- 
terfere in  their  management.  Hence  one  meets  with 
a  great  diversity  in  the  forms  of  municipal  govern- 
ment in  this  country.  It  is  much  easier  to  find  out 
the  system  of  municipal  government  in  the  cities  of 
Great  Britain,  Germany,  Switzerland  and  Italy 
than  to  ascertain  how  municipalities  in  the  United 
States  are  conducted.  All  the  principal  cities  of  the 
British  Isles  are  organized  under  what  is  known  as 
the  municipal  corporation  act  of  1882. 

The  cities  of  Italy  are  managed  under  the  "com- 
munal law"  approved  by  royal  decree  Feb.  10,  1889. 
City  ordinances  for  the  provinces  of  Preussen,  Bran- 
denburg, Punmern,  Schlessn,  Posen  and  Sachsen 
were  promulgated  May  30,  1853,  and  were  followed 
by  general  laws  under  the  rule  of  the  German  empire, 
With  varying  exceptions,  the  system  which  prevails 
in  the  management  of  German  cities  can  be  learned 
by  studying  these  general  ordinances.  In  Switzerland 
there  exists  a  similarity  in  the  laws  regulating  cities. 

In  Great  Britain,  Germany,  Italy  and  Switzerland, 

45 


HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

therefore,  the  central  governing  power  of  the  nation 
promulgates  the  laws  which  govern  the  municipal 
corporations  in  the  different  countries.  If  this  pre- 
rogative were  granted  to  the  United  States  congress, 
all  the  great  municipal  centers  would  be  regulated 
by  one  general  act  of  the  national  legislature.  Under 
the  present  order  of  affairs  in  the  country  each  of 
the  state  legislatures  produces  a  system  of  municipal 
government  for  its  own  cities,  following  no  definite 
precedent.  There  is  no  uniform  method;  so  it  is 
impossible  to  refer  to  the  American  system  of  mu- 
nicipal government,  as  there  is  no  definite  system. 

This  is  a  young  nation  and  it  cannot  be  expected 
that  its  rulers  will  be  as  well  versed  in  the  difficult 
problems  of  municipal  government  as  cities  ten  times 
the  age  of  ours,  but  they  should  be  sufficiently  liberal- 
minded  and  unprejudiced  to  enable  them  to  adopt 
the  wise  provisions  tried  and  found  reliable  by  older 
cities  in  Europe,  where  many  of  America's  rich 
citizens  go  to  live  and  enjoy  life  after  accumulating 
fortunes  here. 

The  present  system  of  Chicago.  City  government 
has  its  peculiarities.  Some  of  its  features  are  good; 
others  are  at  fault.  Its  weaknesses  arise  mostly  from 
constitutional  sources.  The  framers  of  the  consti- 
tution of  1870,  although  Chicago  at  that  time  was 
a  city  of  over  300.000  inhabitants,  appear  to  have 
wholly  ignored  the  question  of  city  government  except 
in  a  very  superficial  way.  Much  attention  was  paid 


IV.—  MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT  47 

to  the  manner  in  which  county  affairs  should  be 
managed,  but  the  municipal  idea  was,  to  a  great  ex- 
tent, overlooked. 

This  is  shown  from  the  fact  that,  to-day,  Chicago 
has  various  systems  of  municipal  jurisdiction,  the 
one  somewhat  conflicting  with  the  other,  the  whole 
forming  an  expensive,  cumbersome  and  out  of  date 
monstrosity.  No  one  can  study  the  situation  to  any 
extent  without  concluding  that  county  and  town  rules 
within  the  limits  of  the  city  of  Chicago  should  be 
abolished.  St.  Louis  affords  an  example  of  this. 
There  is  but  one  form  of  government  other  than 
federal. and  state  in  that  city.  There  are  many  other 
instances  that  could  be  mentioned.  Chicago  has  too 
much  government  altogether.  The  town  lines  and 
town  jurisdiction  should  be  wiped  off  the  map.  They 
are  only  a  burden  to  the  people.  They  create  a  use- 
less expense  which  is  needlessly  added  to  the  taxes  of 
the  people. 

It  is  the  same  with  the  county  government.  It 
should  have  no  existence  within  the  city  limits.  It 
amounts  to  an  enormous  burden  and  gives  nothing 
in  return  except  taxation.  It  should  have  been  wiped 
out  by  the  constitutional  convention  of  1870.  Be- 
cause it  was  not,  another  convention  is  necessary. 
Chicago  should  have  but  one  form  of  municipal  gov- 
ernment within  its  borders  and  that  one  as  simple 
and  as  close  to  the  people  as  possible. 

To  reach  this  desired  end  the  constitution  of    the 


48  HOIV  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

states  needs  to  be  revised,  and  the  legislature  should 
stop  talking  about  submitting  amendments  to  the 
people  and  take  steps  at  once  to  bring  about  a  new 
constitutional  convention.  One  may,  at.  the  present 
time,  take  a  position  on  any  street  corner  and  he 
will  find  himself  amenable  to  five  governments.  They 
are  federal,  state,  city,  county  and  town.  Each  one 
takes  him  and  filches  him,  but  gives  him  mighty  little 
in  return.  All  that  is  accomplished  by  the  three  last 
named  could  be  much  better  done  by  one.  Has 
any  one  figured  how  much  the  taxpayers  of  Chicago 
would  save  by  abolishing  its  town  and  county  gov- 
ernment burdens? 

Bad  revenue  laws  are  a  curse  to  Chicago,  and  for 
that  matter  to  the  whole  state.  No  one  should  favor 
removing  the  present  constitutional  limit  to  munic- 
ipal indebtedness.  Chicago  requires  no  relief  in  that 
direction.  If  the  legislature  will  provide  for  an  honest 
assessment  of  all  taxable  property  within  the  state 
on  the  fair  valuation  plan,  Chicago,  with  its  other  re- 
sources at  present  available  and  those  which  will  be 
made  available  under  proper  reforms,  will  be  in  re- 
ceipt of  more  money  than  will  be  required  for  all 
purposes. 

It  would  appear  that  the  question  of  our  faulty 
assessment  system  is  one  which  the  legislature  can- 
not longer  ignore.  It  concerns  the  whole  state,  but 
of  course  no  portion  of  Illinois  suffers  to  the  extent 
of  this  city.  Chicago  pays  one-third  of  the  taxes  cf 


/K—  MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT  li- 

the state  and  more,  and  the  poor  pay  two-thirds  of 
that,  while  the  rich  and  the  property  of  great  corpo- 
rations almost  wholly  escape. 

There  is  but  one  cure  for  this  evil.  It  must  come 
from  the  legislature.  The  power  to  cure  is  not  to  be 
found  outside  that  body.  All  that  is  needed  is  a  law 
to  compel  a  fair  and  honest  assessment  of  all  taxable 
property  on  the  fair  valuation  plan  by  making  any 
other  sort  of  an  assessment  punishable  by  heavy  fine 
and  imprisonment. 

By  the  way,  the  Republicans  were  in  power  at 
Springfield  in  1885  and  1887.  In  the  former  year 
the  legislature  authorized  Governor  Oglesby  to  ap- 
point a  commission  to  revise  the  revenue  laws  of  the 
state.  He  appointed  such  commission  and  it  worked 
at  its  task  the  greater  part  of  1886.  The  outcome 
was  a  revenue  bill  which  the  governor  laid  before  the 
general  assembly  of  1887.  That  bill  provided  for  one 
county  assessor  and  an  honest  assessment  on  the  fair 
valuation  plan,  with  severe  penalties  for  violations. 
So  far  as  these  two  provisions  were  concerned  the 
bill  was  a  good  one,  but  it  was  torn  to  pieces  in  com- 
mittee and  finally  strangled  at  the  end  of  a  rope  pro- 
vided by  the  corporations. 

Since  then  the  legislature  has  done  nothing.  The 
Democrats  did  not  even  make  the  attempt  when  they 
got  control. 

Now  all  Chicago  needs  in  the  way  of  revenue  re- 
form is  a  law  that  will  provide  and  enforce  an  honest 


50  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

assessment.  Will  the  present  Republican  general 
assembly  give  us  such  a  law?  Will  it  prove  to  pos- 
sess sufficient  moral  stamina  for  the  work,  or  will  it 
succumb  to  corporation  "influences"?  We  shall  see. 
The  present  mayor  of  Chicago  in  his  annual  mes- 
sage of  April  1894,  speaking  of  the  situation  under 
"bad  revenue  laws,"  said: 

"It  was  a  great  American  who  said  that  the  way 
to  make  a  bad  law  odious  was  to  attempt  to  enforce 
it.  We  are  working  under  a  bad  revenue  law,  and 
our  only  hope  is  in  new  legislation.  But  the  people 
will  never  awaken  to  the  necessity  of  such  legislation 
until  the  present  system  is  thoroughly  exposed.  Such 
exposure  is  the  single  object  lesson  that  will  arouse 
the  tax-payers  to  the  necessity  of  a  change  and  in- 
duce the  members  of  the  next  legislature  to  grant 
proper  relief. 

"It  is  most  unfortunate  that  at  a  time  when  mate- 
rials are  cheap,  labor  abundant, and  the  needs  of  the 
laboring  classes  so  great,  the  city  is  without 
the  means  to  begin  important  works, or  even  to  com- 
plete those  already  commenced.  At  the  very  time 
we  should  seek  to  give  employment  to  the  largest 
number,  we  are  compelled  to  dispense  withvthe  ser- 
vices of  competent  officials  in  order  to  keep  within 
our  means. 

"It  is  evident  that  for  a  number  of  years  past  the 
revenue  of  the  City  has  been  entirely  inadequate  to 
meet  all  just  demands. 

"The  perplexing  dilemma  which  confronted  my  pred- 
ecessors for  many  years,  reappears  at  this  time  with 
greater  force  than  ever.  We  cannot  shut  our  eyes 
to  the  fact  that  this  administration  has  to  meet  the 
culmination  of  an  evil, which  has  grown  to  such  pro- 
portions as  to  be  no  longer  dealt  with  on  any  general 
commercial  principles." 


IV.— MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT  51 

Under  the  present  system  the  saloons  contribute 
about  half  the  total  revenues  of  Chicago,  and  yet 
many  people  complain  that  the  saloon  has  too  much 
representation  in  the  city  council, and  other  branches 
of  the  city  government.  This  complaint  is  unfair. 
Taxation  without  representation  is  as  unjust  to-day 
as  it  was  at  the  dawn  of  the  Revolution,  though  un- 
fortunately not  as  unpopular. 

If  a  full,  fair  valuation  were  enforced  in  the  assess- 
ment of  property,  the  city  would  be  able  to  realize 
all  required  revenue  within  the  present,  constitu- 
tional limit  of  taxation.  But  unless  Chicago  moves  in 
this  matter  the  legislature  will  more  than  likely  ad- 
journ without  taking  the  desired  action.  If  the  civic 
federation  were  as  active  to  secure  an  honest  assess- 
ment as  it  is  to  obtain  a  civil  service  law  there  would 
be  more  ground  to  hope  for  relief.  Alas!  this  new 
reform  body  has  no  quarrel  with  legalized  crime. 

In  order  to  solve  the  question,  How  to  Govern 
Chicago,  an  honest  assessment  of  all  taxable  prop- 
erty must  be  provided  for,  whether  through  county 
assessors  or  boards  of  assessment  commissioners. 
The  appeal  of  this  work  to  the  legislature  is  to  pass 
such  a  law. 

Every  well  governed  city  should  maintain  a  De- 
partment of  Public  Safety,  having  administrative 
jurisdiction,  with  the  mayor,  over  the  police  force, 
the  health  and  fire  departments.  Chicago  should  con- 
solidate these  branches  of  us  government  under  onq 


52  HOIV  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

management,  with  the  immediate  supervision  of  each 
department  in  charge  of  a  separate  head. 

These  three  branches  of  the  government  are  kin- 
dred, and  interlock  at  almost  every  step.  The  police 
are  indispensable  to  the  exercise  of  the  functions  of 
the  fire  and  health  officers,  and  all  three  work  to- 
gether, though  on  somewhat  different  lines,  for 
the  safety  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  The  fire 
department  is  at  present  well  managed,  and  may- 
be regarded  as  the  most  excellent  feature  of  the 
municipal  system.  The  health  bureau  requires  re- 
constructing, and  more  efficient  regulations  for  the 
management  of  the  police  force  are  demanded. 

But  too  much  has  already  been  said  against  the 
Chicago  police.  It's  easy  to  talk.  A  great  deal  of 
reform  talk  heard  nowadays  is  chaff.  Much  of  it  is 
downright  injustice.  For  instance, the  police  depart- 
ment of  Chicago  is  one  of  the  most  unjustly  abused 
bodies  in  the  country.  There  are  many  'unworthy 
officers  on  the  force,  but  the  great  majority  of  them 
are  faithful,obedient  servants  of  the  public.  Nearly 
all  the  trouble  with  the  police  is  with  the  system 
of  government  Every  member  of  the  force  is  work- 
ing for  promotion.  Experience  has  shown  that  he 
can  obtain  that  quickest  by  zealous  adherence  to  his 
master's  political  interests,  as  well  as  by  strict  atten- 
tion to  duty.  The  former  often  conflicts  with  the 
latter.  Hence  the  criticism. 

No  city  in  the  country  has  a  better   police   force 


V.— MUNICIPAL  GOIVERNMENT  53 

than  Chicago,  but  no  other  police  department  is  so 
badly  governed.  The  question  is,  How  can  Chicago 
police  management  be  improved?  Certainly  not  by 
taking  it  out  of  the  hands  of  the  mayor.  The  testi- 
mony on  that  point  is  overwhelming.  Experience  is 
the  only  safe  guide  in  these  matters.  Certain  duties 
may  be  assigned  to  a  police  commissioner,  but  when- 
ever that  body  has  been  made  independent  of  the 
mayor  it  has  worked  badly.  Some  of  us  remember 
the  old  Chicago  board  of  police  commissioners.  It's 
record  is  now  one  of  the  rottenest  landmarks  of  the 
city's  history. 

I  respectfully  submit  a  number  of  letters  from 
mayors  of  American  Cities,  taken  from  a  mass  of 
recent  correspondence  carried  on  with  a  view  to  ob- 
taining opinions  and  experiences  in  other  cities  on 
this  question  of  police  management.  They  will  be 
found  instructive  and  entertaining: 

MILWAUKEE,  Nov.  23. — DEAR  SIR:  Yours  of  the  2Oth 
inst.,  requesting  my  views  on  the  subject  of  the 
management  of  a  police  force,  is  at  hand.  In  reply 
will  say  it  is  but  natural  that  the  people  of  Milwau- 
kee are  prejudiced  in  favor  of  the  system  of  police 
government  which  has  been  in  vogue  here  since  1 885, 
on  account  of  the  satisfaction  it  has  given  and  the 
universal  support  which  it  has  received  at  the  hands 
of  the  press  and  the  public  generally. 

The  position  of  fire  and  police  commissioner  is 
purely  an  honorary  one  and  is  not  sought  by  poli- 
ticians. I  believe,  too,  that  the  mayor  is  best 
equipped  to  select  proper  material  for  the  board,  be- 
cause of  his  superior  local  knowledge  of  men  and  the 
needs  of  the  departments. 


54  HOW  TO  GOYERN  CHICAGO 

I  speak  of  the  two  departments,  fire  and  police, 
as  they  are  on  the  same  footing,  and  the  same  argu- 
ments will  hold  as  to  both. 

I  am  satisfied  that  both  departments  have  been 
removed  as  far  from  political  influence  in  this  city 
as  it  is  possible  to  place  them. 

The  board  has  been  invested  with  appointing  pow- 
ers only,  except  that  it  is  authorized  to  hear  and 
determine  charges  preferred  by  the  mayor  against 
the  chief  of  police,  inspector  of  police,  chief  engineer 
of  the  fire  department  and  the  first  assistant  chief; 
it  has  also  the  power  to  dismiss  any  of  the  four 
officials  named  'for  the  good  of  the  service.' 

The  chiefs  are  responsible  to  the  board  for  the 
proper  administration  of  their  departments;  they  may 
dismiss  members,  but  have  no  voice  in  their  appoint- 
ment; hence  the  incentive  to  show  favoritism  is 
reduced  to  a  minimum.  The  board  is  evenly  divided 
between  the  two  political  parties  and  may  safely 
be  trusted  with  making  appointments  impartially, 
especially  as  all  appointees  are  subject  to  a  compet- 
itive examination. 

The  system  of  commissioners  as  applied  in  Mil- 
waukee has  passed  through  three  Republican  and  two 
Democratic  administrations  and  thus  far  no  change 
has  been  attempted  or  desired. 

I  will  add  that  aldermen  and  other  officials  have 
long  since  become  reconciled  to  the  idea  that  there 
is  no  such  thing  as  a  "pull"  in  either  department  and 
the  men  comprising  the  two  forces,  secure  in  the 
knowledge  that  so  long  as  their  services  are  faithfully 
performed  they  will  not  be  molested,  can  be  relied 
upon  to  do  efficient  work.  Yours  respectfully, 

JOHN  C.   KOCH,  Mayor. 


BALTIMORE,   Nov.23. — DEAR  SIR:  In  answer  to  your 


II/.— MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT  55 

questions  I  would  reply:  first,  in  my  judgment  the 
best  system  of  government  for  a  city  police  force  is 
by  a  commission  of  three,  with  the  mayor  of  the  city 
ex-officio  a  member,  making  four  altogether.  The 
three  members  of  the  commission,  in  my  judgment, 
should  be  appointed  by  the  governor  of  the  state, 
two  of  whom  should  belong  to  the  majority  and  one 
to  the  minority  of  the  two  great  political  parties. 

This,  I  think,  would  be  the  best  way  of  divorcing 
the  police  force  from  politics.  The  minority  repre- 
sentation ought  to  satisfy  both  parties  that  the  man- 
agement would  be  fairly  conducted. 

The  mayor  should  be  a  member  ex-officio  because 
the  city  would  pay  the  expenses  of  the  board 
and  therefore  ought  to  have  a  representation  in  the 
expenditures.  The  governor  should  appoint  because 
that  would  place  the  responsibility  upon  one  man  of 
making  good  appointments,  and  if  he  should  fail  to 
do  this  the  people  could  get  at  him. 
I  am,  very  truly  yours, 

FERDINAND  L.  LATROBE,  Mayor. 


NEWARK,  N.  J.,  Nov. 23. — DEAR  SIR:  Mayor  J.  A. 
Lobkurclter  desires  me  to  reply  to  your  inquiries  of 
the  2Oth  inst.  and  to  say: 

1.  Irt  his  judgment    the    best  system  of    govern- 
ment for  a  police  force  is  a  nonpartisan  commission. 

2.  Such  commission    should  be  appointed  by  and 
be  responsible  to  the  mayor. 

3.  The  divorcement  of  the  department  from  pol- 
itics and  the  securing  of  an   efficient  service  depends 
solely    upon  the    character    of  the    men    comprising 
the  commission, and  the  tenure  of  office  of  patrolmen 
should  be  secure  during  good  behavior. 

Yours    very  truly, 

JOHN  S.  GIBSON,  Mayor's  Secretary. 


:,()  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

PITTSBURG,  Nov.  23. — DEARSiR:    Answering  yours 
of  the  2Oth  inst.: 

1.  Having  the  mayor  of    the  city  the  real  head  of 
the  police  department  and    holding    him  responsible 
for  the  conduct  of  the  men. 

2.  Don't  think    a  commission  good  policy. 

3.  The  men  on  the  force  to  be  appointed  by  the 
mayor  after  examination  as  to    physical  and    mental 
qualifications,  they  to  be  appointed  during  good  be- 
havior and  only  subject  to  dismissal  after  examination 
by  the  mayor  or  the    chief    of  the    department,  the 
men  to  have  a    copy    of    the    charges  made  against 
them.  Very  respectfully, 

M.    McKENNA,  Mayor. 


BUFFALO,  N.  Y.,  Nov.  23. — DEAR  SIR:  In  reply  to 
your  inquiry  of  the  2Oth  inst., relating  to  the  best  sys- 
tem of  police  management,!  would  say  that  in  Buffalo 
the  police  force  is  subject  to  a  board  of  commis- 
sioners consisting  of  the  mayor  ex-officio  and  one 
Republican  and  one  Democratic  commissioner,  ap- 
pointed by  mayor  for  six-year  terms.  This  board 
appoints  a  superintendent  who  is  the  actual  as  well 
as  the  nominal  head  of  the  police  force  in  its  practi- 
cal workings. 

The  members  of  the  force  hold  their  positions  dur- 
ing good  behavior, and  cannot  be  removed  or  reduced 
in  rank  except  upon  fair  trial. 

In  Buffalo  this  plan  has,  when  desired,  secured 
police  service  free  from  political  favor. 

From  my  experience  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  the 
only  way  to  divorce  a  police  force  from  politics  and 
thus  secure  the  most  efficient  service  is  to  put  at  the 
head  of  the  department  as  commissioners  and  super- 
intendent men  who  honestly  desire  such  a  divorce. 
With  such  men  at  the  head  the  result  can  be  attained 


.-  MUNICIPAL   GOVERNMENT 


under  any  method  of  police  government,  and  without 
such  men  at  the  head  some  way  can  always  be  found 
to  defeat  the  most  carefully  considered  methods. 
Respectfully, 

CHARLES  F.  BISHOP,  Mayor. 


CINCINNATI,  Nov.  21,  1894. — DEAR  SIR:  In  reply  to 
yours  dated  Nov.  20,  asking  for  information  in  ref- 
erence to  the  organization  and  management  of  a 
police  department,  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you 
that: 

1.  The  best  system  of  government  for  a  city  police 
force  is  the  nonpartisan.     All  nominations  and    ap- 
pointments   should    be   made    without    reference    to 
political  party,  opinions  or  affiliations. 

2.  The  administrative  part  of  a  police  department 
should  be  vested  in  a  board  of  police  commissioners, 
consisting  of  electors, to  be  appointed  by  the  governor 

or  a  period  of  years,  say  four. 

3.  The  best    method  of  divorcing  a   police  force 
from  politics,  etc.,  etc.,  is- to  appoint  persons  on  the 
force  of  sobriety,  integrity, and  who  are  orderly    and 
law-abiding  citizens.      No  man  should    be  appointed 
who  has  been  convicted  of  any  misdemeanor  within 
three  years  previous  to  his  appointment,  or  has  been 
engaged  in    any  unlawful  calling;    nor    should  any 
person  be  appointed  on  account  of  any  political  sen- 
timent or  affiliation,   nor  should  he  be  discharged  cr 
reduced  in  grade  for  political  opinion.   Their  appoint- 
ment and  continuation  upon  the  force  must    depend 
solely  upon    their  ability  and  willingness  to  enforce 
the  law  and    comply  with  the  rules  and    regulations 
laid  down  for   the  government  of  the  police  depart- 
ment.  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

JOHN  A.  CALDWELL,  Mayor. 


r>8  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

TORONTO,  ONT., Nov.  27,1894. — DEAR  SIR:  In  reply 
to  your  communication  of  the  2ist  instant  I  beg  to 
say  that  the  police  in  cities  should,  in  my  judgment, 
be  under  a  board  of  commissioners  composed  of  men 
occupying  responsible  official  positions, the  more  per- 
manent the  better,  and  removed  from  political, 
religious  or  society  influences.  Their  sole  object 
should  be  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  force  in  the 
interest  of  the  preservation  of  peace,  the  protection 
of  life  and  property  and  a  strict  enforcement  of  law — 
federal,  provincial  and  municipal.  The  composition 
of  such  a  commission  in  a  measure  depends  upon 
local  circumstances.  In  the  province  of  Ontario  the 
police  commissioners  in  cities  are  the  county  judge, 
a  federal  appointment;  the  police  magistrate,  a  pro- 
vincial appointment;  and  the  mayor,  elected  by  the 
municipality.  So  far  as  my  experience  goes,  this 
system  of  representation  has  proved  most  successful. 
In  order  to  avoid  politics  in  police  matters  make  all 
appointments,  from  the  chief  executive  officer  down- 
ward, permanent,  subject,  of  course,  to  continuous 
good  conduct  and  efficiency.  Hold  all  in  their  respec- 
tive spheres  strictly  to  their  duty.  Permit  no  member 
of  the  force  to  join  a  secret  or  political  society.  Tol- 
erate no  aldermanic  or  other  outside  influences  and 
maintain  a  high  standard  of  discipline.  To  carry  out 
these  ideas  it  will  be  necessary  to  have  one  chief  ex- 
ecutive officer  clothed  with  ample  power  to  carry  out 
the  policy  of  the  board  and  to  enforce  compliance 
with  all  the  rules  and  regulations  that  may  be  laid 
down  for  the  guidance  of  the  force.  I  have  the 
honor  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

WARING  KENNEDY,  Mayor. 


OMAHA,  NEB.,  Nov.    26. — DEAR  SIR:   Referring  to 
your  letter  of    the    2Oth  inst.  regarding  a  system    of 


IV.— MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT  f>9 

government  for  a  city  police  force,  I  submit  the  fol- 
lowing replies  to  your  questions: 

i  and  2.  By  a  strictly  nonpartisan  commission, 
appointed  by  the  governor,  with  sufficient  money  at 
its  command  to  pay  good  salaries  to  competent  and 
efficient  men,  with  one  patrolman  for  each  700  inhab- 
itants in  cities  having  over  20,000  population,  and 
one  patrolman  for  each  1,000  inhabitants  in  cities 
having  less  than  200,000. 

3.  The  entire  administration  of  the  department 
should  be  vested  in  the  commission  without  any 
interference  from  any  other  department,  and  any 
officer  or  policeman  who  meddles  with  politics  further 
than  to  cast  his  vote  should  be  immediately  dis- 
missed. 

This  method  has  been  in  force  in  this  city  for  the 
past  seven  years  and  the  result  has  been  entirely 
satisfactory. 

GEORGE  P.    BEMIS,  Mayor 


ST.  PAUL.MINN.,  Nov.  21. — DEAR  SIR:  In  answer 
to  your  inquiry  regarding  the  best  system  of  govern- 
ment for  a  city  police  force  I  desire  to  say  that  in  my 
opinion  the  control  of  the  police  should  be  vested 
absolutely  in  the  mayor,  without  any  interference 
whatever  by  the  council  or  any  other  co-ordinate 
branch  of  the  city  government.  This,  in  effect, 
answers  the  three  inquiries  embraced  in  your  letter; 
but  it  maybe  better  to  give  a  specific  answer  in  each 
case.  So  to  inquiry  No.  2  I  may  respond  that  white 
a  commission  might  be  desirable  for  a  city  as  large 
as  yours,  it  has  no  value  for  a  community  of  50,000 
to  200,000  population. 

In  answer  to  your  third  question  I  may  say  that  I 
know  of  no  better  way  to  divorce  police  from  politics 
than  by  vesting  the  responsibility  for  police  manage- 


60  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

ment  in  the    man  whom  the  people  choose  to  put  at 
the  head  of  their  city  affairs.    Yours  truly, 

ROBERT  A.  SMITH,  Mayor. 


In  addition  to  the  above,  I  received  a  number  of 
brief  letters,  in  answer  to  questions  put  by  myself, 
from  chiefs  of  police  as  follows: 

BROOKLYN, Nov.  22. — SIR:  In  reply  to  yours  of  the 
2Oth  inst.,  I  have  respectfully  to  inform  you  that 
I  have  been  pleased  to  mail  you  this  day  a  copy  of 
our  last  annual  report.  This  department  since  1889 
has  had  one  head,  known  as  the  commissioner  of  the 
department  of  police  and  excise,  who  is  appointed  by 
the  mayor  for  two  years.  Our  force  is  under  civil 
service  rules.  All  appointments  are  during  good 
behavior  and  all  promotions  made  upon  merit  under 
provisions  of  civil  service  law. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 
P.  CAMPBELL, 

Superintendent  of  Police. 


BOSTON,  Nov.  22. — DEAR  SIR:  Replying  to  yours 
of  the  2Oth  inst.,  I  have  to  say  that  this  department 
is  governed  by  a  board  of  police,  created  by  act  of 
legislature  in  1885.  The  board  is  appointed  by  the 
governor,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  council. 
Members  of  the  board  are  appointed  for  a  term  of 
five  years.  Respectfully  yours, 

BENJAMIN  P.  ELDRTDGE, 

Superintendent  of  Police. 


BALTIMORE,  Nov.  22.  —  DEAR  SIR:  In  reply  to  yours 
of  the  2Oth  inst.,  I  beg  to  say  that  the  police  force 
of  this  city  is  of  the  Metropolitan  system  and  is  gov- 
erned by  three  police  commissioners  who  are  elected 


7K— MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT  01 

by  joint  ballot  at  the  convention  of  the  legislature, 
one  commissioner  being  elected  every  two  years  to 
serve  six  years.  Very  respectfully, 

JACOB  FREY,  Marshal. 


WASHINGTON,  Nov.  22. — DEAR  SIR:  In  reply  to  your 
favor  of  the  2Oth  inst.,I  have  to  state  that  all  munic- 
ipal departments  of  the  District  of  Columbia  are 
supervised  by  a  board  of  three  commissioners  (two 
civilians  and  one  army  engineer)  appointed  by  the 
president  of  the  United  States. 

The  police  department  is  under  a  superintendent, 
appointed  by  the  commissioners,  who  managed  all 
affairs  connected  with  the  department,  the  more  im- 
portant questions  being  subject  to  their  approval. 
Appointments  are  made  upon  his  recommendation 
and  members  of  the  force  hold  office  during  good  be- 
havior. Very  truly,  W.  G.  MOODY, 

Major  and  Superintendent  Metropolitan  Police. 


INDIANAPOLIS,  Nov.  21. — DEAR  SIR:  Allow  me  to  say, 
in  reply  to  your  communication  of    the    2Oth    inst., 
the  police  force  is  conducted  under  a  board  of  public 
safety,  said  board  being  appointed  by  the    mayor  of 
the  city  and  being  directly  under    his  control.      'The 
board  makes  all  appointments  of  police  and  firemen. 
The  mayor  is  elected  for  two    years  and  his    boards 
are  appointed  for  the  same  length  of  time. 
Very  respectfully  yours, 
GEO.W.  POWELL, 

Superintendent  of  Police 


DETROIT,  MICH.,  Nov.  21. — DEAR  SIR:  In  reply  to 
your  letter  of  inquiry  requesting  to  be  informed  how 
our  police  force  is  conducted  and  if  under  a  board 


G2  HOIV  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

of  commissioners,  how  appointed  etc.,  I  have  to  say 
that  the  department  is  governed  by  a  board  of  four 
commissioners  appointed  by  the  mayor  for  a  term  of 
four  years  each.  The  board  is  a  nonpartisan  one, 
being  composed  of  two  Republican  and  two  Demo- 
cratic members.  Respectfully  yours, 

C.  C.  STARKWEATHER, 

Superintendent  of  Police. 


PITTSBURG.NOV.  2. — DEAR  SIR:  Replying  to  your 
favor  of  the  2Oth  inst.,  I  would  state  that  we  do  not 
have  a  board  of  police  commissioners  in  existence  in 
our  city.  Our  police  force  is  appointed  by  one  city 
official  known  as  the  director  of  the  department  of 
public  safety, who  is  elected  every  four  years  by  our 
city  councils.  The  power  is  vested  in  him  for  all 
appointments  and  discharges  of  persons  in  the  employ 
of  his  department,  which  also  includes  the  bureau 
of  fire,  bureau  of  health,  bureau  of  electricity,  bureau 
of  building  inspection  and  bureau  of  plumbing  in- 
spection. Very  truly  yours, 

ROGER  O' MARA, 
Superintendent  Bureau  of  Police. 


CINCINNATI, Nov.  21. — DEAR  Sm:In  reply  to  yours 
dated  Nov.  20, asking  for  information  as  to  the  man- 
agement of  the  board  of  police  commissioners,  etc., 
I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  as  follows: 

i.  All  police  powers  and  duties  connected  with 
and  incident  to  the  appointment,  regulation  and 
government  of  the  police  force  are  vested  in  the  mayor 
and  the  board  of  police  commissioners,  consisting  of 
four  (4)  electors  appointed  by  the  governor,  not 
more  than  two  (2)  of  whom  are  of  the  same  political 
party,  namely,  two  (2)  Republicans  and  two  (2) 
Democrats.  They  are  to  serve  for  a  term  of  four 
years. 


IV.—  MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT  63 

2.  The   mayor   has  full  power  and  authority  over 
the  police   organization,   government    and    discipline 
of  this  force. 

3.  The  force    is   nonpartisan  and   politics  are  not 
considered  as  to  an  applicant's  fitness  for  a  position 
on  the  police  force.       We  do  not  recognize  politics, 
religious  faith  or    any   other   matter,    except   that   a 
candidate  is  a  fit  and    honest  man  and    comes  up  to 
the  requirements  of  the  rules  laid  down  by  the  mayor 
and    police    commissioners  for    the  appointment    of 
police  officers. 

4.  No   member   of  this  force,   after    his    appoint- 
ment as  directed,  can  be    removed    from    the    force 
except  for    inefficiency,  misconduct,    insubordination 
or  violations  of  law.       Charges  must   have  been  duly 
formulated    and  the  same  proved    before  the    board 
of  police  commissioners  before  an  officer  can  be  dis- 
posed of. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

PHIL.  DEITSCH, 
Superintendent  of  Police. 


LOUISVILLE,  KY.,  Nov.  21. —  DEAR  SIR:  In  reply 
to  your  favor  of  the  2Oth  instant  would  say  that  the 
police  force  of  this  city  is  under  the  control  of  a 
board  of  public  safety.  The  board  consists  of  three 
members  appointed  by  the  mayor  for  a  term  of  four 
years  at  a  salary  of  $3,000  per  year. 
Yours  respectfully, 

THOS.  H.  TAYLOR, 

Chief  of  Police. 


DENVER,  COLO.,  Nov.  22. — DEAR  SIR:  Answering 
your  favor  of  the  2oth  instant  I  have  to  say,  while 
I  am  not  at  this  time  chief  of  police,  I  herewith  in- 
close you  a  copy  of  my  last  report  of  that  depart- 
ment. 


64  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

The  department  is  conducted  under  a  board  of  com- 
missioners of  three  members,  who  receive  their  ap- 
pointments from  the  governor  of  the  state,  whose 
term  of  office  is  the  same  as  the  governor  (two  years). 
The  intent  of  the  governor  creating  this  board  was 
to  remove  the  police  department  from  politics,  which 
was  strictly  carried  out  until  the  present  governor 
was  elected,  when  he  appointed  a  board  who  totally 
ignored  the  governor  and  conducted  the  department 
as  a  mere  political  machine. 

The  law  creating  this  board  requires  the  governor 
to  appoint  on-e  member  of  the  board  who  is  of  a 
different  political  faith  from  himself,  with  a  view  of 
making  it  nonpartisan. 

From  my  experience  in  police  matters  I  am  firmly 
of  the  opinion  that  the  police  department  that  can 
be  conducted  on  a  strict  non-political  basis  can  be 
made  the  most  efficient.  Respectfully, 

J.  F.  FARLEY, 
Superintendent  of  Supplies. 


ROCHESTER,  N.  Y. ,  Nov.  23. — DEAR  SIR:  Reply- 
ing to  your  letter  of  the  20th  inst.,  would  say  that 
our  police  force  is  under  a  board  of  police  commis- 
sioners, consisting  of  three  in  number,  who  are 
elected  by  the  common  council  every  four  years  alter- 
nately. I  should  add  to  the  above  that  the  mayor  is 
chairman  of  the  board  (ex-officio).  Yours  truly, 

J.  P.  CLEARY, 
Superintendent  of  Police. 


From  such  a  study  of  this  subject  as  I  have  been 
able  to  give,  I  am  fully  convinced  that  the  mayor 
should  be  held  responsible  for  the  proper  management 
of  the  police  department.  This  he  can  probably  best 


IV.— MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT  05 

carry  out  through  a  commission  to  be  appointed  by 
himself  and  confirmed  by  the  council. 

Civil  service  rules  and  the  merit  system  as  to 
appointments  and  promotions  should  prevail. 

There  should  be  an  improvement  of  the  Chicago 
police  courts,  first  in  the  direction  of  divorcing  them 
completely  from  the  justice  of  the  peace  system. 
The  following  letter  to  the  writer  from  W.  C.  More- 
land, city  attorney  of  Pittsburg,  Pa. .contains  valuable 
suggestions  for  the  establishment  of  an  efficient  police 
court  system  for  Chicago. 

PITTSBURG,  PA.,  Dec.  3. — DEAR  SIR:  Under  what 
is  known  as  the  'City  Charter'  of  the  city  of  Pitts- 
burg,  act  of  assembly  June  14,  1887,  P.  L.  396,  the 
mayor  has  the  power  of  appointing  five  police  mag- 
istrates, subject  to  the  approval  of  the  city  council, 
and  in  such  districts  of  the  city  as  shall  by  ordinance 
be  designated.  The  term  of  office  shall  be  during 
good  behavior  and  until  a  successor  be  appointed  and 
approved.  The  annual  salary  of  each  magistrate  paid 
by  the  city  is  $2,500.  All  fees  and  fines  collected 
by  these  magistrates  are  payable  to  the  city  treasurer; 
they  receive  no  other  compensation  than  the  salary 
fixed. 

By  act  of  assembly,  approved  June  16,  P.  L.  303, 
the  power  and  duties  of  these  magistrates  are  defined: 
They  have  the  power  and  authority  to  receive  and 
take  criminal  informations  .  .  .  accusing  any 
person  or  persons  of  the  commission  of  any  felony 
or  misdemeanor,  where  such  felony  or  misdemeanor 
has  been  committed  within  the  corporate  limits  of 
the  city  .  .  .  and  to  issue  warrants  for  the 
arrest  of  such  persons  so  accused,  administer  oaths 
and  hold  preliminary  hearings  in  all  such  cases  and 


CO  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

commit  to  jail  or  bind  over  for  trial,  or  discharge. 
They  also  have  full  and  complete  power,  jurisdiction 
and  authority  to  administer  oaths  and  examine  wit- 
nesses and  hear,  determine  and  punish  according  to 
the  laws  and  ordinances  of  said  city,  all  cases  of 
arrest  upon  view  or  upon  information  made  and 
warrant  issued  by  the  police  of  the  city  in  which  such 
police  magistrate  may  reside  of  all  persons  who  may 
be  found  engaged  in  or  charged  with  drunkenness, 
disorderly  conduct,  selling  liquor  contrary  to  law, 
maintaining  a  disorderly  house  or  bawdy  house, lewd, 
indecent  or  lascivious  behavior  on  the  streets  or  else- 
where, gambling,  creating  riots  or  disturbances, 
vagrants,  beggars,  prostitutes,  disturbers  of  the  public 
peace,  known  or  reputed  pickpockets,  burglars, 
thieves,  watch  stuffers,  cheating,  swindling,  persons 
who  abuse  their  families  and  suspicious  persons  who 
can  give  no  reasonable  account  of  themselves  or 
violating  any  of  the  laws  or  ordinances  of  such  city. 

They  also  have  jurisdiction  of  suits  for  the  re- 
covery of  fines  and  penalties  imposed  by  any  and  all 
laws  of  the  city  in  which  they  reside  and  of  all  cases 
of  summary  conviction  arising  under  the  laws  and 
ordinances  of  said  city.  The  full  power  to  hear  the 
cases,  administer  oaths  or  affirmations,  decide  the 
same,  enforce  the  penalties,  collect  the  fine  or  com- 
mit to  prison,  as  the  case  may  be,  according  to  the 
provisions  of  the  law  and  ordinances  applicable 
thereto. 

Thus  far  our  system  has  worked  admirably.  The 
men  appointed  seem  to  perform  faithfully  and  intel- 
ligently the  duties  imposed  on  them.  We  regard  the 
system  as  a  very  decided  improvement  over  the  one 
previously  existing.  Yours,  etc. 

W.  C.  MORELAND,   City  Attorney. 


V.— CIVIL  SERVICE 

Civil  service  rules  and  the  merit  system  are  nec- 
essary to  the  good  government  of  Chicago,  even 
more  so  under  the  plans  proposed  than  otherwise. 
In  one  sense  the  patronage  of  the  municipal  govern- 
ment will  be  greater.  But  this  question  has  been 
fully  discussed  and  the  value  of  the  plan  admitted  on 
all  sides. 

I  desire  only  to  point  out  that  the  duties  of  a  civil 
service  commission  should  both  begin  and  end  with 
providing  candidates  for  the  public  service.  That 
task  is  sufficiently  great  in  itself,  without  adding  to 
it  the  responsibilities  of  a  trial  board  for  disciplining 
or  dismissing  delinquent  public  servants, or  defending 
those  unjustly  assailed.  These  matters  properly 
belong  to  the  administration  of  government,  and 
must  always  be  more  or  less  a  matter  of  party 
politics. 

It  will  be  quite  sufficient  for  this,  and  perhaps  for 
two  generations  to  come,  if,  tor  all  departments  of 
the  public  service,  employes,  male  and  female, shall 
be  selected  from  a  list  of  candidates  provided  by  an 
authorized  civil  service  commission.  The  matter  of 
their  dismissal  or  discipline  may  well  be  left  to  the 

67 


68  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

government  that  employs  and  pays  them, and  to  such 
regulations  as  may,  by  law,  be  made  to  regulate  such 
matters.  If  a  civil  service  board  is  to  dabble  with 
such  issues,  it  will  soon  become  a  political  machine, 
with  just  as  much  partisanship  and  partisan  zeal  as 
characterize  any  department  of  a  municipal  govern- 
ment. 

By  all  means  give  Chicago,  and  every  other  city 
of  any  importance  in  the  state,  a  civil  service  board 
for  ascertaining  and  certifying  to  the  qualifications 
of  candidates  for  the  public  service, but,  as  you  would 
value  its  usefulness,  keep  it  out  of  any  and  all 
branches  of  government,  else  it  will  become  a  par- 
tisan machine  and  an-object  for  contempt.  I  believe 
such  a  board  should  be  a  state  body  having  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  qualifications  of  all  persons  employed 
in  every  branch  of  the  public  service  to  which  it 
may  be  applicable,  but  local  boards  may  not  prove 
objectionable. 

Such  a  board  cannot  have  any  legitimate  part  in 
the  trial  of  a  policeman, or  a  civil  engineer  employed 
on  sewers  or  tunnels,  or  a  fireman,  or  a  sidewalk 
inspector,  a  school  teacher,  or  any  other  servant  of 
the  public  who  may  be  the  object  of  charge  of  mis- 
conduct. 

Political  patronage  is  probably  the  greatest  draw- 
back to  efficient  and  clean  municipal  administration 
everywhere.  This  is  particularly  true  in  Chicago. 
Too  many  citizens  have  taken  active  part  in  political 


K— C/K/Z.  SERVICE  69 

contests  for  the  spoils  of  office  and  with  the  expec- 
tation of  occupying  positions  in  the  public  service 
rather  than  from  patriotic  motives.  No  one  can  con- 
sistently find  fault  with  these  selfish  motives  every- 
where visible  in  our  political  life  so  long  as  the  very 
essence  of  the  municipal  system  invites  to  these  prac- 
tices. The  rigid  enforcement  of  civil  service  rules 
and  the  application  without  flinching  of  the  merit 
system  of  promotion  in  the  civil  service  will  have  the 
wholesome  tendency  of  inculcating  among  the  peo- 
ple the  idea  that  good,  efficient,  clean  government  is 
more  to  be  desired  and  sought  after  as  the  result  of 
civic  elections  than  the  mere  occupancy  of  office. 
Too  many  citizens  follow  politics  as  a  business 
and  for  the  sole  purpose  of  obtai  ing  an  easy  liveli- 
hood. This  is  not  so  much  the  fault  of  the  people 
as  it  is  the  weakness  of  municipal  methods. 

But  these  results  can  best  be  reached  by  a  law  that 
will  compel  every  branch  of  the  government  to  select 
its  employes  from  the  lists  of  the  civil  service  boards, 
rather  than  from  the  roll  of  ward  workers.  The 
civic  federation, or  some  of  its  members, has  erroneous 
ideas  on  civil  service  rules  and  their  enforcement. 
The  proposition  to  supplant  the  government,  or  any 
portion  of  it,  by  an  outside  body,  which  shall  hold 
the  whip  over  a  mayor,  or  chief  of  police,  o-r  any 
other  officer,  is  impracticable,  not  to  say  ridiculous. 

One  of  the  best  features  of  civil  service  laws  is 
their  economy.  Under  strict  civil  service  rules  and 


70  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

the  merit  system,  the  force  in  the  city  hall  can  be 
reduced  one  half.  That  will  amount  to  an  enormous 
saving  annually  to  the  taxpayers.  And  the  work 
will  be  done  much  better.  One  of  the  greatest  draw- 
backs to  the  heads  of  departments  is  the  practice  of 
the  administrations  of  placing  a  herd  of  green  hands 
at  work  in  the  city  hall  after  each  election.  As  soon 
as  they  learn  to  properly  perform  the  tasks  assigned 
to  them,  and  very  often  before, they  are  discharged  to 
make  room  for  others. 

And  yet  I  would  be  inclined  to  consider  an  active 
interest  in  politics,  on  the  part  of  a  young  man  or 
woman,  as  a  characteristic  giving  some  claims  to  a 
place  in  the  public  service.  Of  course  other  things 
should  be  considered.  We  do  not  want  the  public 
service  to  be  a  mere  machine,  but  a  live, intelligent, 
energetic  force, each  member  of  it  pressing  forward  to 
political  preferment.  Promotion  in  office  is  political 
pieferment.  It  can  never  be  anything  else.  It  should 
not  be.  We  do  not  want  to  abolish  politics,  but 
rather  to  elevate  and  reform  party  government. 

I  would  increase  opportunities  for  political  action 
on  the  part  of  the  people.  Therein  lies  the  safety  to 
what  is  good  and  worth  preserving  in  American  in- 
stitutions. Nor  would  I  weaken  party  lines.  Man 
has  not  yet  invented  a  better  system  of  popular  gov- 
ernment than  that  which  is  by  political  parties.  A 
strong  government  and  a  strong  opposition  are  req- 
uisites to  the  safety  of  the  people.  It  is  a  sign  of 


'       K— CIVIL  SERVICE  71 

intelligence  on  the  part  of  the  voters,  not  an  indica- 
tion of  disloyalty  to  party,  when  the  government  fre- 
quently passes  into  the  hands  of  the  opposition.  It 
rather  indicates  that  leaders  have  become  disloyal  to 
their  pledges,  and  that  the  people  are  quick  to  rebuke 
them. 

Some  of  our  civil  service  reformers  want  to  erad- 
icate party  politics  altogether, at  least  from  the  public 
service.  That  would  be  an  unsafe  experiment.  It 
would  be  followed  by  rings  far  more  corrupt  than 
political  cliques.  In  the  first  place  we  are  not  so 
badly  off  in  political  morals  as  some  so  called  reform- 
ers make  o-ut. 

It  is  easy  and  often  popular  with  the  masses  to 
assail  and  denounce  officials,  and  to  lay  charges 
against  them,  and  even  to  bring  them  into  public 
discredit.  One  cannot  produce  much  in  the  way 
of  reform  by  calling  public  servants  bad  names. 
Nothing  can  be  accomplished  for  the  people,  except 
through  the  people  themselves.  You  cannot  main- 
tain a  government  on  higher  lines  of  political  morality 
than  a  majority  of  the  voters  sustaining  it  enjoy.  There 
is  a  tendency  always  among  the  few  who  enjoy  a 
measure  of  wealth  and  refinement  not  found  among 
the  masses  to  feel  themselves  better  than  the  com- 
mon herd.  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  they  are  often 
less  worthy  to  be  intrusted  with  the  responsibilities  of 
government  than  those  who  make  no  pretensions. 

I  remember  a  few  years  ago  when  the  people  lost 


72  HOIV  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

confidence  in  the  old  parties  and  elected  a  number 
of  the  "better  class"  as  members  of  the  Chicago  San- 
itary Board  of  Trustees.  It  was  a  citizens'  movement, 
a  reform  move.  What  were  the  results  All  of  the 
gentlemen  elected,  except  two,  found  out  soon  after 
taking  office,  either  that  they  could  not  afford  time 
from  their  private  interests  to  devote  to  the  public 
service,  or  that  they  were  wholly  unfit,  by  experience, 
for  the  work,  and  they  resigned.  The  old  political 
parties  were  compelled  to  elect  their  successors,  who, 
by  the  way,  are  now  rendering  the  public  good 
service. 

A  large  number  of  good  citizens  are  just  now  talk- 
ing loud  about  municipal  reform,  who  know  very 
little  about  the  subject.  They  are  talking  too  much, 
by  the  way,  and  some  of  them  are  beginning  to 
sound  ridiculous.  The  civic  federation  has  its  share 
of  this  class.  It  is  through  the  zealous  efforts,.of  im- 
practicable reformers  that  the  cause  generally  receives 
its  worst  setbacks.  I  hear  men  say: 

"There  is  a  man  employed  in  the  water  department 
who  only  yesterday  became  a  citizen.  He  can 
scarcely  speak  the  national  language  intelligently.  It 
is  a  disgrace  to  the  city." 

Nothing  of  the  sort.  Such  a  sentiment  has  no 
place  in  genuine  loyalty.  It  is  downright  prejudice 
and  ought  to  be  heartily  condemned.  All  the  nation- 
ality elements  should  be  represented  in  the  public 
service.  It  is  not  necessary  that  a  young  man  or 


V.—C1YIL  SERVICE  73 

woman  should  graduate  in  the  high  schools  to  be 
entitled  to  a  post  in  the  government.  I  am  not  so 
sure  that  the  high  school  should  be  maintained  at  all 
at  public  expense.  One  thing  is  certain.  If  all  the 
opportunities  for  individual  progress  in  great  cities 
are  to  be  absorbed  by  corporations,  monopolies, 
trusts,  department  stores,  and  other  consolidations, 
we  shall  soon  have  little  use  for  high  schools,  as 
parents  will  be  obliged  to  take  their  children  from 
the  grammar  schools  to  the  stores,  shops  and  factories 
in  order  to  maintain  the  family  existence. 

I  am  for  giving  every  foreign-born  citizen  an  equal 
opportunity.  Broken  English  is  not  a  distressing 
sign  of  our  times.  It  is  rather  an  indication  of 
national  progress  and  a  proof  that  all  the  nations  of 
the  earth  are  contributing  to  the  evolution  of  Ameri- 
can greatness. 

Chicago's  municipal  government  could  be  recon- 
structed with  advantage  on  some  such  plan  as 
follows: 

i. — A  mayor,  attorney,  treasurer,  collector,  comp- 
troller, and  clerk,  elected  every  two  or  four  years 
by  the  people. 

2. — A  common  council,  comprising  two  aldermen 
from  each  ward,  elected  one  half  each  year,  for  two 
years,  as  at  present. 

3. — A  board  of  public  safety  of  three  members, of 
which  the  mayor  shall  be  ex-officio  chairman,  for  the 
general  management  of  the  police,  fire,  and  health 


74  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

departments,  appointed  by  the  mayor,  and  confirmed 
by  the  council, for  a  term  equal  to  that  of  the  mayor, 
such  board  to  act  under  ordinances  providing  civil 
service  rules  and  the  merit  system  for  promotions. 

4. — A  board  of  public  works  of  three  members,  of 
which  the  mayor  shall  be  ex-officio  chairman,  ap- 
pointed by  the  mayor  and  confirmed  by  the  council, 
for  the  administration  of  all  city  works, the  laying  of 
special  assessments,  and  the  general  management  of 
all  public  improvements. 

5. — A  board  of  public  service  of  three  members, of 
which  the  mayor  shall  be  ex-officio  chairman  appointed 
by  the  mayor  and  confirmed  by  the  council,  to  be 
charged  with  the  management  of  all  franchise  corpo- 
rations connected  with  the  quasi-public  service,  such 
as  gas  and  electric  light,  heat  and  power,  telephone, 
and  message  service,  street  and  elevated  railways 
and  other  franchise  interests  of  the  city. 

6. — A  board  of  inspection  of  three  members,  of 
which  the  mayor  shall  be  ex-officio  chairman,  ap- 
pointed by  the  mayor  and  confirmed  by  the  council, 
to  be  charged  with  the  duties  of  inspection  of  all 
kinds,  including  water,  gas,  oil,  foods,  sanitary  mat- 
ters, etc. 

7. — The  corporation  council  and  the  heads  of  all 
departments  to  be  appointed  by  the  mayor  and  con- 
firmed by  the  council.  All  other  employes  of  the  city, 
including  secretaries  and  chief  clerks,  to  be  under 
civil  service  rules. 


1/.—CIYIL  SERVICE  75 

8, — A  Public  library  board  as  at  present. 

9. — A  board  of  education  as  at  present. 

10.  —  A  police  court  system  providing  for  judges, 
appointed  by  the  mayor  and  confirmed  by  the  coun- 
cil, with  ample  jurisdiction,  the  city  to  be  divided 
into  suitable  judicial  districts  for  the  purpose,  the 
judges  to  be  paid  an  ample  salary  to  secure  the  ser- 
vices of  able,  honest  men,  and  all  fees  to  be  turned 
into  the  city  treasury. 

ii. — A  board  of  three  civil  service  commissioners, 
appointed  by  the  mayor  and  confirmed  by  the  council, 
charged  with  the  duty  of  examining  candidates  as 
to  their  qualifications  for  every  branch  of  service  of 
the  municipal  government,  but  to  have  no  control 
over  them  after  their  appointment. 


VI.— REFORM  METHODS 

We  cannot  hope  to  summon  a  new  set  of  politicians 
to  the  municipal  helm  all  at  once.  Even  if  such  were 
possible  nothing  could  well  prove  more  disastrous. 
We  must  use  the  materials  we  have.  With  an  en- 
lightened, active, expressive  public  sentiment,  keeping 
close  watch  upon  our  public  servants,  insisting  upon 
needed  changes  and  reforms,  the  progress  will  be 
substantial  and  in  the  right  direction. 

I  am  not  among  those  who  see  only  that  which  is 
to  be  condemned  in  the  majority  of  our  politicians. 
Their  greatest  weakness  lies  in  the  unfortunate  truth 
that  they  are,  to  a  large  extent,  owned  and  con- 
trolled by  the  franchise  corporations.  But  for  this 
the  people  themselves  are  largely  to  blame.  The 
average  voter  is  generally  too  much  absorbed  in  the 
insane  race  of  making  gain  to  bother  much  with 
political  affairs.  So  completely  absorbed  are  the 
business  men  of  the  city,  that  it  is  next  to  impossible 
to  get  them  together  for  purposes  of  remonstrance 
or  agitation  on  any  public  question.  It  is  only  when 
a  taxpayer  is  struck  squarely  between  the  eyes  that 
he  will  pay  the  slightest  attention  to  the  actions  of 
those  who  are  robbing  him.  Even  then,  if  an  oppor- 

76 


VI.— REFORM  METHODS  77 

tunity  offers  by  which  he  can  cheaply  purchase  his 
own  emancipation  from  the  evil,  he  is  generally  quite 
willing  to  let  his  neighbor  take  care  of  himself.  This 
selfish,  dishonest,  indifferent  spirit  is  the  curse  of 
our  people. 

Talk  about  honesty,  political  or  otherwise,  and 
what  must  we  say,  if  we  speak  or  write  the  truth? 
Take  the  policeman.  He  is  to-day  branded  by  the 
so-called  reformers  as  an  officer  of  the  government 
in  league  with  thieves,  pickpockets,  gamblers  and 
outcasts.  In  some  cases  this  is  true.  But  alas!  the 
average  policeman  of  Chicago  is  the  peer  in  honesty 
of  the  average  bank  president.  Is  that  not  true?  Is 
he  not  more  honest  than  the  municipal  franchise 
manipulator?  Is  he  not  as  honest  as  his  master,  the 
alderman? 

But  there  is  a  difference.  The  policeman  is  low. 
He  has  to  defile  his  hands  in  th'e  slums  of  the  city. 
He  is  a  servant,  often  too  coarse  to  be  an  agreeable 
companion.  He  will  do  very  well  as  an  object  of 
attack.  On  the  other  hand  the  bank  president,  the 
franchise  corporation  manager,  the  lobbyist,  is  a 
gentleman,  cleanly  shaven,  with  fine  linen,  and  the 
advantages  of  luxury.  His  dishonesty  don't  count. 

I  am  sick  of  the  pot  calling  the  kettle  black. 
There  is  not  a  reformer,  or  reform  organization,  in 
Chicago  that  has  yet  ventured  to  cross  the  pathway 
of  a  franchise  corporation.  Not  one.  The  civic 
federation  is  making  a  great  ado  about  gambling  and 


78  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

other  vices  that  always  flourish  to  some  extent  in 
great  cities,  but  it  hasn't  a  word  to  say  about  the 
greater  municipal  crimes  of  stealing  public  franchises. 
Is  not  this  hypocrisy  enough  to  weaken  one's  confi- 
dence in  the  "better  classes?"  I  use  the  term  ad- 
visedly. These  people  belong  to  the  "better  class." 
They  acknowledge  it  themselves.  They  pose  as  a 
little  better  than  their  neighbors.  I  am  holier  than 
thou!  These  words  are  imprinted  on  their  actions. 
And  so  it  is  that  the  good  they  would  do  is  dwarfed 
by  their  hypocrisy,  which  to-day  cries  to  Heaven 
for  punishment. 

Hypocrisy  ?  Yes, hypocrisy  of  the  rankest  character. 
The  term  is  not  strong  enough.  Truth  demands 
fiercer  language.  Contemplate  the  facts.  Here  is 
an  organization  of  reputable  people,  of  wealthy  citi- 
zens,banded  together  to  protect  the  inhabitants  from 
bad  city  government.  What  steps  did  this  reform 
body  take  to  prevent  the  consummation  of  that  colos- 
sal steal,  the  Universal  gas  ordinance?  None  what- 
ever. It  was  blind,  deaf,  and  dumb  to  that  infamy. 
What  action  did  it  take  in  regard  Jto  the  recent 
delivery  of  Chicago  to  street  transit  monopoly,  with 
its  trolley  and  double  fare  monstrosities?  Let  an 
awakening  indignation  of  the  people  who  have  been 
outraged  answer. 

But  it  is  unpleasant  to  talk  thus  plainly.  Let  us 
be  thankful  that  the  civic  federation  is  really  in 
earnest  in  its  work  to  prevent  public  gambling,  and 


V 'I.  —REFORM  METHODS  79 

to  purify  the  ballot.  These  are  noble  missions  and 
well  worthy  the  best  efforts  of  the  earnest  people 
engaged  in  the  work. 

The  civic  federation  has  made  considerable  parade 
in  preparing  bills,  and  getting  them  launched  in  the 
general  assembly  at  Springfield.  In  this  work  I  am 
bound  to  say  that  the  organization  meant  well,  but 
acted  unwisely.  None  of  these  bills  will  ever  become 
laws.  They  were  presented  in  an  impracticable 
shape,  and  must  come  to  naught.  If  legislation  is  to 
be  had  for  Chicago  it  will  have  to  come  through  the 
Cook  County  members.  The  civic  federation  and 
the  Chicago  clubs  can't  do  the  work.  The  thing  to 
do  is  to  get  the  Chicago  delegation  together,  and 
for  the  leaders  in  municipal  politics,  such  as  George 
B.  Swift  and  John  P.  Hopkins,  to  agree  with  them 
as  to  the  measures  most  needed.  If  there  is  to  be  a 
party  split,  then  so  much  the  better.  It  will  result 
in  the  Republicans  advancing  one  plan,  and  the 
Democrats  another.  The  legislature  can  take  its 
choice, and  the  people  of  Chicago  will  have  an  oppor- 
tunity of  pronouncing  on  the  merits  of  both. 

Three  measures  are  imperatively  needed  at  this 
session.  These  are: 

i. — A  law  for  the  enforcement  of  a  fair  valuation 
in  all  assessments. 

2. — A  law  for  terminating  municipal  franchises  upon 
their  expiration,  and  providing  for  courts  of  arbitra- 
tion as  to  the  value  of  the  properties  of  franchise 
corporations. 


80  HOIV  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

3. — A  joint  resolution  providing  for  a  revision  of 
the  state  constitution,  so  as  to  permit  the  legislature 
to  pass  a  suitable  charter  for  the  government  of 
Chicago. 

But  let  us  examine  some  of  the  measures  of  mu- 
nicipal reform  proposed  by  the  civic  federation,  A 
sub-committee  of  that  body  has  framed  a  bill  provid- 
ing for  a  new  form  of  Chicago  city  government. 
Without  stopping  here  to  question  its  constitutionality 
or  practicability,  even  if  constitutional,  let  us  see 
what  it  provides. 

Under  it  the  mayor  is  to  be  elected  by  the  people. 
In  case  of  vacancy  the  mayoralty  falls  to  the  heads 
of  departments  in  specified  order  of  succession.  The 
mayor  is  the  only  elective  administrative  official  and 
is  given  power  to  appoint  and  remove  heads  of  de- 
partments without  interference  from  the  council.  In 
his  appointments  he  is  to  be  subject  to  civil  service 
rules. 

The  proposed  charter  provides  for  five  executive 
departments,  the  heads  of  which  shall  constitute 
the  board  of  control.  They  are:  The  department 
of  accounts  and  collections,  with  the  comptroller  at 
its  head;  the  department  of  finance,  with  the  city 
treasurer  at  its  head;  the  department  of  law,  with 
the  corporation  counsel  at  its  head;  the  department 
of  public  works,  with  the  commissioner  of  public 
works  at  its  head,  and  the  department  of  public  safety, 
with  the  commissioner  of  public  safety  at  its  head. 


Yl— REFORM  METHODS  81 

The  comptroller  has  general  charge  of  the  complete 
audit  of  the  city  accounts,  and  prescribes  the  form 
and  manner  of  bookkeeping,  making  pay-rolls  and 
all  other  claims  against  the  city,  as  well  as  perform- 
ing the  duties  now  prescribed  by  ordinance.  The 
sub-committee,  in  its  report  in  explanation  of  the 
measure,  contends  that  the  comptroller  should  also 
have  charge  of  the  collection  of  tax  money  belonging 
to  the  city. 

The  department  of  finance  is  arranged  practically 
on  the  old  basis.  There  is  a  provision  for  securing 
to  the  city  all  interest  paid  by  banks.  In  fact,  the 
general  plan  is  that  all  fees  and  perquisites  of  office 
shall  belong  and  be  paid  to  the  city,  the  officers  re- 
ceiving nothing  except  the  salaries  provided  by  law. 
The  department  of  public  works  is  to  have  the  initia- 
tive in  all  improvements  to  be  paid  for  by  special 
assessment. 

The  department  of  public  safety  includes  the  police 
force,  the  fire  department,  the  health  department 
and  the  inspection  of  buildings,  of  steam  boilers,  of 
gas  and  of  oil.  The  mayor  will  not  preside  or  vote 
in  the  council,  but  will  have  a  seat  and  the  right 
of  debate.  The  city  is  to  be  divided  into  six  districts, 
each  of  which  will  have  six  aldermen.  Twelve  al- 
dermen are  to  be  chosen  at  large  from  the  city. 

In  the  matter  of  franchises  the  civic  federation's 
bill  provides  that  all  material  and  structures  in,  over, 
upon  or  under  the  streets  shall  belong  to  the  city 


82  HOIV  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

on  being  put  in  place.  The  grantee  obtains  the 
privilege  of  use  during  the  limited  period  for  which 
the  license  is  given.  This  period  is  thirty  years  in 
the  case  of  elevated  roads,  twenty  years  for  surface 
roads  and  ten  years  for  heat  or  power  plants,  elec- 
tric lights  and  private  switch  tracks.  These  fran- 
chises are  to  be  given  in  return  for  such  rental  as  the 
ordinance  provides.  The  cost  of  construction  is  to 
be  credited  on  this  rental  charge  and  the  construction 
is  to  be  supervised  by  the  commissioner  of  public 
works.  In  all  cases  where  the  conditions  permit 
competition,  advertisements  are  to  be  made  for  pro- 
posals or  bids  on  terms  most  favorable  to  the  city 
before  privileges  in  the  streets  are  granted. 

Application  must  first  be  submitted  to  the  heads 
of  the  executive  departments,  known  collectively  as 
the  board  of  control.  If  the  assent  of  a  majority  of 
these  heads  of  departments  is  secured  the  ordinance 
may  be  submitted  to  the  council.  After  this  the 
mayor  has  an  absolute  veto  of  ordinances  granting 
such  privileges.  No  grant  for  a  branch  or  extension 
of  any  system,  nor  any  branch  or  line  operated  or 
controlled  by  an  existing  system,  may  extend  beyond 
the  limit  of  the  term  for  the  exercise  of  the  original 
privilege,  or  of  the  privilege  held  by  the  main  com- 
pany. The  salary  of  the  mayor  is  placed  at  $10,000 
a  year,  of  heads  of  departments  at  $8,000  and  of 
aldermen  at  $2,500. 

The  framers  of  this  bill  rely  upon  the  passage  of 


VI.— REFORM  METHODS  8:j 

the  civil  service  measure,  now  before  the  legislature, 
and  a  special  assessment  law  to  be  submitted  later, 
to  perfect  the  system  proposed.  It  may  be  taken 
also  that  they  expect  a  new  revenue  or  assessment 
law  to  be  passed. 

There  are  merits  and  defects  in  this  somewhat 
remarkable  measure.  In  some  respects  it  is  too 
radical.  The  changes  proposed  are  too  sweeping  by 
far.  Genuine  reforms  seldom  come  with  such  strides 
except  in  cases  of  revolution.  The  framers  of  the 
bill  must  surely  expect  that  it  will  serve  the  purpose 
of  agitating  reform  issues.  They  cannot  seriously 
hope  to  see  it  become  a  law  in  its  present  shape  or 
in  any  other  by  which  it  could  be  recognized  as  their 
work. 

In  the  first  place  the  measure  is  unconstitutional 
for  many  reasons,  It  could  never  pass  if  made  to 
apply  to  all  the  cities  of  the  state,  for  the  smaller 
centers  could  have  no  use  for  it.  The  garment  would 
not  fit  at  all.  It  must  therefore  be  intended  especially 
for  Chicago,  and  in  that  sense  is  pre-eminently  within 
the  scope  of  special  legislation  and  clearly  prohibited 
by  the  constitution.  Just  where  the  legislature  is  to 
get  power  to  divide  the  territory  of  a  city  into  six, 
or  any  other  number  of  districts,  is  not  clear.  It 
provides  the  city  with  property  rights  in  and  to 
materials  and  plants  placed  on,  under  or  over  the 
public  streets  under  franchise  grants,  but  makes  no 
provision  for  municipal  use  of  the  same  at  the  ex- 


84  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

ptration  of  the  franchises  under  which  they    may   be 
created. 

The  newspapers  have  named  the  measure,  a  bill 
for  a  new  city  charter,  and  I  must  acknowledge  that 
the  title  is  in  every  sense  proper  and  fitting.  If  the 
general  assembly  of  Illinois  had  the  power  and 
authority  to  enact  a  statute  giving  Chicago,  or  any 
other  particular  city,  a  charter,  all  might  be  well. 
At  any  rate  it  would  make  it  worth  while  to  discuss 
the  faults  of  the  bill,  of  which  there  are  many,  but 
under  the  circumstances  there  is  nothing  to  be  said 
except  that  it's  only  fit  for  an  amateur  debating 
society.  It  presents  plans  and  theories,  the  elucida- 
tion of  which  would  certainly  prove  instructive  and 
entertaining,  but  it  ought  to  be  taken  into  some  other 
state,  Nebraska,  for  instance,  where  the  legislature 
has  been  endowed  with  constitutional  prerogatives 
of  sufficient  scope  to  provide  city  charters  to  suit 
the  wants  of  the  people,  one  kind  for  a  small  city, 
and  another  for  a  metropolis.  It  would  be  a  waste 
of  time  to  debate  its  provisions  at  any  length  in 
Illinois  until  the  constitution  of  the  state  has  been 
radically  changed.  The  bill  as  proposed  by  the  civic 
federation  would  not  become  a  law  if  passed  by  the 
legislature  and  adopted  by  popular  vote,  unless 
stripped  of  its  features  which  bring  it  into  conflict  with 
the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  cities,  towns  and  villages 
act,  and  the  constitutional  provisions  for  legislative 
action  on  behalf  of  the  government  of  cities. 


KA— REFORM  METHODS  85 

The  bill  to  change  the  present  special  assessment 
system,  in  the  preparation  of  which  the  civic  fede- 
ration is  said  to  have  had  a  hand,  is,  in  most  respects, 
a  desirable  measure.  It  bears  the  impress  of  the 
real  estate  board  and  of  Corporation  Council  Palmer, 
however,  and  is  calculated  to  bring  about  a  desirable 
change. 

Again  reformers  are  told  that  before  framing  bills 
for  the  better  government  of  Chicago  they  should 
carefully  study  the  constitution  of  Illinois,  and,  if 
they  will  do  this,  their  energies  will  be  directed  to 
wards  a  revision  of  that  instrument,  adopted  in  the 
year  of  grace  1870,  at  the  instance  of  the  corpora- 
tions, rather  than  to  framing  proposed  statutes  which 
are  out  of  joint  with  its  plainly  expressed  terms. 


VII.— CURRENT  HISTORY 

The  necessity  of  some  of  the  reforms  already 
pointed  out  is  best  impressed  upon  the  reader  by 
reference  to  current  municipal  history.  The  Chicago 
city  government,  for  some  years  back,  has  been  strug- 
gling against  odds  for  necessary  financial  support, 
and  city  administrations  have  become  victims  of  un- 
popularity, as  much  from  what  could  not,  under 
existing  laws,  be  accomplished,  as  from  what  they 
failed  to  do.  But  the  people  have  not  hesitated  to 
hold  the  city  authorities  responsible  for  results  wholly 
beyond  their  power  to  control.  Unless  some  legis- 
lation is  at  once  provided, a  financial  crash  will  over- 
take the  city  government. 

If  the  reforms,  in  the  way  of  municipalizing  gas, 
electricity,  and  transit,  indicated  in  this  sketch  were 
now  well  advanced,  revenues  for  all  purposes  would 
be  in  sight, but  it  will  take  some  time  to  create  public 
sentiment  in  favor  of  these  changes,  and  to  inau 
gurate  them.  Something  must  be  done  meanwhile 
to  put  the  city  treasury  in  receipt  of  more  money. 
The  present  administration,  acting  with  the  council, 
should  send  a  delegation  to  Springfield  to  secure  the 
passage  of  a  revenue  law,  with  an  emergency  clause, 

so  that  it  will  take  effect  in  time  to  cover  the  assess- 

86 


VIL— CURRENT  HISTORY  87 

ment  of  1895,  providing  for  a  fair  cash  valuation  in 
the  assessment  of  all  property.  This,  with  a  clause 
to  enable  the  city  to  better  anticipate  the  taxes,  will 
meet  immediate  necessities. 

The  struggles  of  the  Hopkins  administration  on  the 
financial  question,  creditable  in  every  sense  to  the 
present  mayor,  show  the  great  necessity  of  some 
steps  in  this  direction.  In  his  last  annual  message 
Mayor  Hopkins  said: 

"You  are  well  aware  of  the  financial  condition  of 
the  city.  You  know  that  it  will  require  the  most 
strenuous  efforts  on  our  part  to  not  only  place  the 
city  on  a  sound  financial  basis,  but  to  bring  to  a 
successful  end  the  reform  which  this  council  and  the 
administration  inaugurated  at  the  beginning  of  the 
fiscal  year.  It  will  require  not  alone  your  co-opera- 
tion, but  the  co-operation  of  the  citizens  whose  in- 
terests are  identified  with  the  successful  administra- 
tion of  local  affairs. 

"The  financial  question  is  the  most  serious  one 
that  confronts  the  present  administration.  Without 
a  sound  system  of  finance,  no  municipality  can  be 
successfully  administered.  The  present  condition  of 
affairs  is  the  natural  result  of  an  attempt,  which  has 
been  made  for  many  years  past,  to  carry  on  the 
city's  business  under  a  defective  system.  This 
doubtful  course  should  not  be  continued;  the  real 
facts  should  no  longer  be  concealed.  In  my  judg- 
ment, it's  better  far  that  a  full  and  frank  statement 


88  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

should  be  made  of  the  financial  condition  of  thecky, 
so  that  its  citizens  may  be  induced  to  turn  their 
efforts  in  the  direction  of  such  improvements  as  will 
result  in  the  application  of  better  business  principles 
to  the  conduct  of  city  affairs.  Such  reform  can  never 
be  brought  about  in  any  other  way." 

Addressing  himself  to  the  task  before  him, the  mayor 
cut  out  his  work  on  three  lines  in  this  language: 

"Three  great  problems  confront  us, and  though  we 
may  not  solve  them,  yet  I  hope  we  shall  do  some- 
thing toward  their  final  solution  which  shall  benefit 
the  public.  First  there  is  the  financial  question, 
then  the  question  of  public  franchises,  and  lastly, 
the  elevation  of  railroad  tracks.  The  two  first  are 
closely  connected,  and  embrace  many  minor  ques- 
tions which  arise  from  time  to  time.  Since  assum- 
ing office  three  months  ago  I  have  made  some  begin- 
ning in  the  consideration  of  these  three  important 
questions,  and  in  this  connection  I  desire  to  thank 
the  members  of  your  honorable  body  and  the  city 
officials  who  have  given  valuable  assistance  in  the 
prosecution  of  this  great  and  onerous  undertaking." 

All  that  Mayor  Hopkins  could  do,  under  the  pres- 
ent laws,  in  the  way  of  solving  the  financial  question, 
was  to  watch  every  opportunity  for  increasing  the  rev- 
enue, and  to  economize  by  reducing  the  expenses. 
On  these  lines  he  has  probably  accomplished  more 
than  any  of  his  predecessors. 

Taking  the  tax  levy  of  1893,  that  of  1894  not  hav- 


/'//.— CURRENT  HISTORY  89 

ing  yet  been  all  realized,  I  find  that    it    was  distrib- 
uted among  the  following  funds: 

General  Sinking   Fund..$          1,020.00 
School  Sinking  Fund...  1,020.00 

Public  Library 487,464.00 

School  Tax  Fund 5,550,000  oo 

Interest  Account 994,  500.00 


$7,034,004.00 

General  Fund 424,258.80 

House  of  Correction ....  6 1 , 200.  oo 

Contingent  Fund 15, 300.00 

Fire  Department 528,690  99 

Sewerage   Department..  105,651,60 

Dep't  Public  Works 1,287,523.76 

Police  Department. 2,010,926  94 

Street  Lamp  Fund 295,800.00 

Health  Department....  47,613.60 


4,776,965.69 


Total  tax  levy  of   1893 $11,810,969.69 

From  the  above  it  will  be  seen  that  after  deducting 
the  amount  of  School  Tax,  Public  Library,  Interest 
and  Sinking  Fund,  there  remained  only  about  $4, 800,  - 
ooo  for  municipal  purposes.  This,  so  far  as  the  re- 
ceipts from  taxes  were  concerned,  was  the  whole 
amount  applicable  to  the  needs  of  every  department, 
while  $5,550,000  was  allotted  for  school  purposes 
alone.  Under  such  conditions  it  can  readily  be  seen 
how  difficult  it  was  to  maintain  the  credit  of  the  city. 

The  city's  proportion  of  the  general  taxes  for  mu- 


90  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

nicipal  purposes  in  1894,  was  $4,817,  490. 88, or  about 
sufficient  to  carry  one  department  of  the  city  effect- 
ively. The  humiliating  spectacle  consequently  was 
presented  of  the  city  of  Chicago  being  obliged  to  de- 
pend on  the  receipts  from  saloon  licenses  to  eke  out 
its  municipal  existence. 

The  total  estimated  receipts  from  this  source  for 
the  year  1893  were  $4,298,182.15;  the  actual  re- 
ceipts were  $3,729,698.29,  showing  a  deficit  of  $568,- 
483. 86.  The  receipts  from  these  two  sources  combined 
were  entirely  insufficient  to  meet  the  necessary  ex- 
penses of  the  city  government  in  the  protection  of 
life  and  property. 

It  is  easily  seen  from  the  above  that  the  present 
mayor  has  had  his  hands  full,  and  now  that  his  term 
of  office  is  at  an  end  he  is  able  to  give  this  account: 

It  is  figured  that  during  his  brief  term  he  has  saved 
for  the  people  of  Chicago  the  sum  of  $7,178,803.80, 
and  it  will  be  noted  that  the  bulk  of  this  saving 
is  to  come  from  a  close  imitation  of  real  municipal- 
izing of  the  quasi-public  service.  One  is  almost 
warranted  in  the  belief  that  Mayor  Hopkins  is  not 
far  from  conversion  to  the  plans  set  forth  in  this 
work. 

Of  the  vast  total  of  over  $7,000,000  it  is  calculated 
that  $5,358,519  will  accrue  on  account  of  the  ad- 
ministration policy  of  demanding  some  compensation 
for  every  franchise  given  by  the  city.  The  present 
administration  has  been  busy  with  franchises,  most 


rll— CURRENT  HISTORY  91 

of  which  have  been  for  enterprises  of  great  magni- 
tude. Since  Mayor  Hopkins  entered  upon  the  duties 
of  his  office  ordinances  have  been  passed  for  the 
Northwestern  Elevated  Railroad  company,  the  North 
Chicago  Elevated  Railroad  company,  the  North  Side 
Electric  Street  Railway  company,  the  Northern  Elec- 
tric Railway  company,  the  Cicero  &  Proviso  Street 
Railway  company,  and  the  Mutual  Electric  Light 
company.  Besides  these,  ordinances  have  been 
passed  under  which  the  Yerkes  railroad  systems  and 
the  Chicago  City  Railroad  company's  system  may 
be  transformed  from  horse  to  overhead  electric  rail- 
roads. In  all  of  these  ordinances  Mayor  Hopkins  and 
the  council  have  insisted  upon  some  compensation 
for  the  great  privileges  granted.  In  the  cases  of  the 
elevated  railroad  companies  this  compensation  has 
been  based  upon  a  percentage  of  gross  receipts  to  be 
paid  over  on  a  sliding  scale  of  percentages  after  the 
tenth  year  and  continuing  for  the  remaining  forty 
years  of  the  grants.  In  the  cases  of  surface  street  rail- 
road ordinances  the  percentages  have  been  fixed 
upon  gross  receipts  payable  after  the  tenth  year  of 
the  grant,  and  until  the  expiration  of  the  remaining 
ten  years.  In  the  cases  of  ordinances  allowing  the 
change  of  motive  power  sums  of  money  have  been 
demanded  outright,  or  the  beneficiaries  have  been 
forced  to  agree  to  pay  stipulated  sums  yearly  for 
street  lighting,  or  other  municipal  purposes.  In  the 
Mutual  Electric  Light  ordinance  a  percentage  upon 
gross  receipts  has  been  secured. 


92 


HOW  JO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 


Mayor  Hopkins  has  estimated  the  receipts  from 
these  sources  to  the  end  of  the  grants,  fifty  years  in 
cases  of  elevated  railroads  and  twenty  years  in  the 
other  cases.  As  stated, this  estimate  reaches  the  sum 

of  $5,358-5i9. 

Following  are  the  estimates  where  estimates  are 
necessary,  and  the  amounts  otherwise  provided  for 
to  come  to  the  city  from  franchises  granted  during 
the  last  two  years: 

Northwestern  Elevated  Railroad 
company  car  tax  and  percentage 
accruing  to  city  (estimated) $  4,192,000.00 

North  Chicago  Elevated  Railway 
company  car  tax  and  percentage 
accruing  to  city  (estimated) 1 12, 1 10.40 

North  Side  Electric  Street  Railway 
company  car  tax  and  percentage 
accruing  to  city  (estimated) 59,004.50 

Stipulated  amount  to  be  paid  by  the 
North  and  West  Side  Street  Rail- 
road companies  for  permission  to 
change  motive  power 570,000.00 

Viaduct  damages  on  account  of  Dear- 
born Street  viaduct  to  be  paid  by 
same  companies,  about 34,454.70 

Chicago  City  Railway  company,  for 

permission  to  change  motive  power  250,000.00 

The  Northern  Electric  Railway  com- 
pany    62, 500  oo 

Cicero  and  Proviso  Street  Railway 

company 6,450.00 

Mutual  Electric  Light  company    .  ..  72,000.00 


Total $5,358,519.60 


Vll.—  CURRENT  HIS  TOR  Y  93 

The  account  proceeds:  The  remainder  of  the  $7, - 
178,803.80  is  accounted  for  in  four  items.  One  of 
these  shows  the  amounts  secured  from  quasi-public 
corporations  having  underground  work  in  the  streets 
for  repairs  necessary  on  account  of  their  disturbance 
of  the  streets.  The  other  shows  the  difference  paid 
by  property-owners  for  public  paving  between  the 
years  1893  and  1894.  The  mayor  takes  credit  for 
this  on  the  theory  that  his  action  broke  up  the  pav- 
ing combine,  though  he  admits  that  the  prices  of  ma- 
terial and  labor  were  lower  in  1894  than  they  have 
been  for  years.  The  third  item  shows  the  saving  in 
expenses  of  running  the  city  government  for  the  year 
1894  as  compared  with  1893,  and  the  fourth  shows 
the  increase  of  receipts  during  1894  over  1893. These 
tables  are  given  below. 

Income    from    franchises $5,358,519,60 

Corporations,   for  street  repairs 249, 141.70 

Street-paving  contracts,    as  compared 
with  prices  paid  in  1893: 

Asphalt $      95,871.29 

Cedar  blocks. 373,398,96 

Macadam 54,  546. 60 

Garnite 3,875.04 


$  527,691.89 
Saving  1894  over  1893: 

Pay  rolls 508, 041.16 

Other   expenses 446,025.  52 

Increase  in  receipts 89, 383.93 


Total $7,178,803.80 


04  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

But  even  this  does  not  tell  all  the  story.  It  is 
shown  that  though  the  appropriation  for  1892  was 
$8,339,315  and  for  1893  $9,087,765,  as  compared 
with  $7,968,791  for  1894,  there  were  over-drafts  at 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1894  of  $779,786,  while 
at  the  beginning  of  1895  they  were  but  $609,767; 
in  other  words,  that  though  the  city  had  more  than 
$1,000,000  less  appropriation  in  1894  than  in  1893 
there  was  a  saving  even  then  of  $170,019. 

The  statement  also  contains  the  following,  making 
a  comparison  of  payrolls: 

November      and       December,       1893 

(Swift's) $1,479,521.09 

November  and  December,  1894  (Hop- 
kins')        1,283,727.40 


Reduction  in    1894 $190,793.69 

Nor  is  this  all.  It  is  shown  that  the  increase  in 
water  pumped  at  various  stations  in  1894  over  1893 
was  1 1,040,000,000  gallons.  The  bulk  of  this  in- 
crease is  said  to  have  been  at  the  Fullerton  Avenue 
and  Canal  stations,  indicating  that  the  increase  was 
pumped  into  the  river.  The  effect  of  this  dilution 
of  the  river  slime  is  shown  by  a  comparison  of  the 
death  rates,  the  statement  showing  that  'for  1893  to 
have  been  16.9  per  1,000,  as  against  15.3  per  1,000 
during  1894. 

In  the  matter  of  elevating  railroad  tracks  the 
Hopkins  administration  excels.  That  great  under- 
taking has  been  actually  begun, and  is  in  such  a  state 


Vll.— CURRENT  HISTOR.  Y  95 

of  progress  as  to  warrant  the  conclusion  that  it  will 
be  carried  on  to  a  complete  finish. 

Hence,  it  will  be  seen,  one  can  find  much  to  com- 
mend in  the  struggles  against  odds  in  the  Hopkins 
administration.  These  things  should  serve  as  lessons 
to  the  people,  pointing  out  what  is  necessary  in  the 
way  of  changes  and  reforms  in  the  present  systems, 
in  order  to  attain  greater,  and  even  nore  substantial 
permanent  results. 

What  is  needed  more  is  a  sort  of  new  beginning, 
a  new  start  in  the  government  of  the  city,  on  lines 
laid  down  in  this  little  book;  and  if  the  voters  will 
take  the  matter  up,  and  elect  only  those  pledged  to 
such  a  course  of  reform,  great  and  glorious  will  be 
the  outcome  for  Chicago. 


VIII.— PRACTICAL  REFORM 

It  was  announced  the  other  day  that  at  a  meeting 
of  Populist  leaders  held  in  Chicago  it  was  practically 
settled  that  the  platform  of  their  party  for  the  ap- 
proaching election  will  contain  a  plank  declaring 
against  a  down  town  elevated  loop  unless  it  is  to  be 
owned  by  the  city. This  is  in  common  with  most  of  the 
declarations  of  the  Populists  on  the  subject  of  munic- 
ipal ownership,  and  it  is  certainly  discouraging  even 
to  one  who  advocates  the  principle. 

It  must  strike  one  as  remarkable  that  the  leaders 
of  a  political  party  noted  for  intelligence  and  ad- 
vanced thinking  on  matters  of  principle,  are  so  much 
at  fault  in  practice.  No  matter  how  sound  their 
theories  may  be,  they  appear  to  be  utterly  astray  in 
methods  of  putting  them  into  practice.  It  must  be 
known  to  these  reformers  that,  under  the  present 
laws,  the  city  of  Chicago  cannot  own  or  operate  a 
street  railway  of  any  sort.  More  than  this,  those 
qualified  to  judge, who  have  investigated  the  subject, 
declare  that  the  legislature  has  no  constitutional 
authority  to  grant  the  city  such  power  by  statute.  If 
this  be  so,  a  vast  deal  of  work,  in  the  way  of  law  mak- 
ing and  constitutional  revision  is  necessary  before 

96 


VllL—  PRACTICAL  REh'ORM  97 

the  proposed  "plank"  can  be  available  to  the  people. 

Meanwhile  Chicago  wants  the  loop  and  will  have 
it.  It  is  likely  indeed  to  be  constructed  under  exist- 
ing franchises,  and  if  not  the  mayor  and  council  will 
certainly  grant  one  for  the  purpose  as  soon  as  ap- 
plied for  under  the  proper  procedure.  The  city 
could  not  proceed  to  do  what  the  Populists  contend 
for,  first  for  want  of  law,  and  in  the  next  place 
because  the  means  are  not  within  its  reach  for  such 
an  enterprise. 

This  brings  me  to  consider  some  mistakes  of  the 
Third  party  on  this  whole  matter  of  municipal  owner- 
ship of  the  means  of  the  quasi-public  service.  In 
the  first  place,  we  are  moving  along  in  the  world  of 
progress  too  swiftly  to  pay  much  heed  to  things 
wholly  impracticable.  A  proposition  for  a  certain 
reform  carries  with  it  the  necessity  of  laws  and  means 
for  its  inauguration,  and  its  proposer  is  visionary, 
and  indeed  a  stumbling  block  to  progress,  unless 
he  be  able  to  point  out  by  what  methods  his  plans 
can  be  accomplished. 

Let  us  look  at  this  proposition  of  the  Populists 
for  municipal  ownership  of  the  proposed  down  town 
loop,  squarely.  It  would  entail  a  constitutional 
amendment,  or  revision,  the  passage-  of  laws  by  the 
general  assembly  empowering  the  city  in  the  prem- 
ises, and  the  passage  of  ordinances  by  the  city  for 
the  details  of  the  scheme.  This  is  a  work  that  un- 
der no  conditions  could  be  carried  out  inside  of  four 


08  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

years.  I  mean  it  would  take  four  years  to  put  the 
city  in  a  position  to  do  what  the  Populists  demand 
as  to  this  loop.  Now  the  same  is  true  of  any  simi- 
lar undertaking  of  municipal  ownership. 

What  then  should  these  Populists  have  done? 
What  should  they  do?  They  should  agree  upon  a  very 
different  plank.  The  city  has  it  within  its  power,  if 
it  will  show  the  disposition  and  ability, to  take  a  most 
important  step  towards  municipal  ownership  of  the 
enterprise  referred  to,  and  one  which  a  great  many 
people  think  preferable,  but  a  step,  however,  which 
must  be  taken  if  the  municipality  is  ever  to  own 
such  works  It  would  be  folly  to  say  that  Chicago 
must  wait  four  years  or  longer  before  commencing  to 
build  a  down  town  loop,  and  yet  that's  what  the 
Populists'  proposition  involves.  What  these  often 
misguided  reformers  should  do  is  to  advocate  the 
sale  of  a  franchise  for  twenty  years,  or  fifty  years, 
if  an  elevated  railway  comes  under  the  railroad  act, by 
the  city  to  a  corporation  that  would  furnish  the 
required  means, construct  and  operate  the  loop  under 
city  control,  and  on  a  plan  that  would  give  the  city 
substantial  revenues;  and  all  other  elevated  lines 
access  over  its  tracks  for  the  accommodation  of  the 
people.  This  Chicago  can  do,  and  ought  to  do. 

The  mayor  and  council  should  at  as  early  a  day  as 
possible  pass  an  ordinance  setting  forth  the  terms 
and  conditions  upon  which  the  city  is  ready  to  part 
with  such  a  franchise.  Then  proposals  should  be 


Ylll.-  PRACTICAL  REh'ORM  99 

invited.  The  result  would  be  the  formation  of  a 
company  that  would,  if  the  terms  and  conditions  of 
the  ordinance  were  properly  set  out,  be  completely 
under  city  control,  and  that  would  give  to  the  city 
a  great  public  work  under  a  degree  of  municipal 
management  that  would  fully  protect  the  patrons  of 
the  service,  and  the  treasury  of  the  city. 

The  terms  of  such  a  franchise  would  of  course  pro- 
vide that  upon  its  expiration  the  city  would  have  the 
right  to  renew  it  or  to  acquire  the  plant  and  property 
of  the  company  under  an  arbitration  valuation.  This 
is  the  only  route  to  municipal  ownership  for  the  city, 
in  respect  to  street  railways,  gas,  electricity,  and 
other  branches  of  like  public  comforts. 

If  the  Populists  would  put  forth  as  much  effort  on 
these  lines  as  they  do  in  the  agitation  of  ends  that 
are  not  now  attainable,  much  more  would  be  real- 
ized. I  am  not  rinding  fault  with  the  Populists,  but 
venture  to  call  their  attention  to  these  things  in  the 
hope  that  they  will  get  actively  upon  lines  with 
something  besides  talk  and  resolutions. 

For  all  new  enterprises  of  this  kind  under  consid- 
eration the  city  has  ample  scope  for  action  on  the 
lines  pointed  out.  For  municipalizing  those  already 
in  operation,  laws  are  required  to  enable  the  munic- 
ipality to  wind  up  the  business  under  a  franchise 
upon  its  termination  and  to  acquire  the  plant  and 
property  rights  that  have  grown  up  under  it. 

It  would,  indeed,  be  a  hopeful  indication  if  one  of 


100  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

the  old  political  parties  would  appeal  to  the  voters 
of  Chicago  in  the  pending  election  on  the  platform 
of  municipalizing  gas, electricity, and  the  loop  system, 
on  the  plan  set  forth  in  this  little  volume.  These 
things  can  be  immediately  done,  without  the  aid  of 
legislation, and  it  would  be  an  auspicious  opening  of 
a  great  work  of  reform  that  would  certainly  go  on 
until  all  these  means  of  public  service  were  fully 
municipalized  and,  at  some  future  time,  if  such  were 
deemed  practical,  brought  under  full  city  ownership. 

Suppose  one  of  the  great  political  party  conventions 
should  decide  to  place  such  a  public  undertaking  in 
its  platform,  and  ask  its  candidate  for  mayor  to  stand 
squarely  on  such  a  plank.  Could  there  be  any  doubt, 
if  such  a  movement  were  known  to  be  sincere,  of 
the  success  of  the  plan?  The  corporations  holding 
franchises  from  the  city  would  array  themselves 
against  the  policy,  but  the  ballot  is  secret,  and  the 
voters  could  be  relied  upon  to  take  advantage  of  the 
opportunity  to  free  themselves  from  the  unjust  bur- 
dens that  now  load  them  down. 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  average  voter  would 
scarcely  care  much  which  political  party  happened  to 
champion  the  cause  so  long  as  he  was  given  the 
chance  to  vote  for  so  grand  a  reform.  As  against  this 
proposition  the  relative  merits  of  candidates,  and 
party  considerations,  could  have  little  weight.  It 
would  not  be  the  Outs  against  the  Ins.  It  would  be 
something  more  than  clique  vs.  ring.  The  politics 


Vlll.— PRACTICAL  REFORM  101 

of  the  campaign  would  be  lifted  out  of  the  realm  of 
spoils  and  placed  upon  a  plane  inviting  the  attention 
and  criticism  of  intelligent  voters.  It  would  give 
the  contest  real  issues,  instead  of  personalities.  It 
would  give  something  besides  saloon  oratory  to  ward 
work. 

But  if  the  old  political  parties  refuse  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  the  people;  if  these  organizations  will 
not  rise  above  the  spoils  of  office,  then  let  the  Third 
party  wage  a  campaign  on  these  issues,  placed  in 
practical  form,  with  a  strong  man  at  the  head  of  its 
ticket,  and  the  people  will  rally  to  its  support.  The 
voters,  or  rather  a  majority  of  them,  want  substantial, 
practical  reform,  expressed  in  positive  actions  and 
with  less  empty  talk. 


IX.— HOPE  IN  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

It  has  been  the  effort  of  these  pages  to  point  out 
the  road  to  practical  reforms  in  the  present  system 
of  Chicago  city  government.  It  will  be  seen  that 
the  movement,  to  be  successful,  must  be  gradual. 
We  cannot  have  the  end  with  the  beginning.  The 
progress  must  be  step  by  step.  We  may  start  out 
for  municipal  control  over  all  franchise  corporations, 
and  reach  that  much  desired  result  under  existing 
laws,  or  with  a  very  small  degree  of  legislation  wholly 
within  constitutional  limits.  We  may  incorporate 
civil  service  rules  and  the  merit  system  for  pro- 
motions in  every  branch  of  the  public  service.  We 
may  reconstruct  the  present  city  government  as  indi- 
cated in  this  work,  almost  entirely  by  ordinances, 
with  some  slight  legislative  enactments.  Ample 
revenues  can  be  secured  by  a  law  to  enforce  honest 
assessments. 

The  greatest  gains  will  come  to  the  people  in  an 
abundant  and  cheap  supply  of  light,  heat,  power, 
telephone  and  message  communication,  street  and 
elevated  railway  transit,  and  the  like,  and  while  these 
blessings  are  being  realized,  the  movement  for  a 
constitutional  convention  can  be  pushed,  and  such  a 

102 


IX.— HOPE  IN  POLITICAL  PARTIES  103 

revision  of  the  fundamental  laws  secured  as  will  put 
the  legislature  in  a  position  to  give  Chicago  a  special 
charter,  with  one  form  of  municipal  government 
within  the  city  limits. 

The  question  is,  how  are  these  things  to  be  accom- 
plished? By  whom  is  the  work  to  be  done?  When 
is  it  to  be  begun? 

With  all  deference  to  the  People's  party,  which 
has  a  legal  and  healthy  local  existence,  and  which  has 
put  forward  a  platform  with  many  good  features,  we 
are  left  with  no  reasonable  expectation  that  it  will 
get  control  of  the  Chicago  city  government  within 
the  next  two  or  even  four  years.  As  a  party  it  is 
unable  to  agree  upon  a  set  of  principles  of  local  self- 
government.  It  must  yet  devote  much  time  to  per- 
fecting a  policy,  for  at  present  it  depends  more  upon 
the  shortcomings  of  the  old  political  parties  for 
popular  support, than  upon  the  merits  of  its  own  pro- 
posals. 

Relief  must  come, if  it  is  realized  in  the  near  future, 
from  either  the  Democratic  or  the  Republican  party. 
The  cause  of  Chicago  is  really  in  the  hands  of  the 
people  themselves.  If  they  will  become  more  inte- 
rested in  the  questions  of  local  self  government,  and 
elect  only  such  men  as  are  committed  to  practical 
plans  of  reform,  much  will  be  accomplished.  If, 
on  the  other  hand,  municipal  politics  are  left  to  a 
monopoly  of  the  professionals  and  spoilsmen,  fran- 
chise monopoly  and  aldermanic  corruption  will 
flourish. 


104  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

The  result  of  the  pending  city  elections  will  put 
either  the  Democrats  or  Republicans  in  power  in  the 
city  hall.  There  is  a  possibility  of  the  mayor  being 
on  the  side  of  the  council  minority,  as  at  present,  but 
this  may  not  re-occur.  The  people  ought  to  know, 
in  advance,  what  they  are  voting  for.  It  must  of 
course  be  a  contest  of  men,  but  it  should  be  pre- 
eminently a  battle  of  measures.  The  voters  are 
entitled  to  know  just  what  the  respective  parties 
propose  to  do,  so  that  they  can  intelligently  deter- 
mine how  to  cast  their  ballots. 

So  far  as  a  municipal  policy  is  involved  in  the 
present  contest,  George  B,  Swift,  whether  elected  to 
the  office  of  mayor,  or  defeated,  represents  the  Re- 
publican sentiment.  His  views  are  those  of  his  party, 
and  from  his  attitude  the  people  may  judge  what  to 
expect  from  his  administration  if  elected. 

The  same  is  true  of  John  P.  Hopkins,  the  present 
mayor  of  Chicago,  as  regards  the  Democratic  policy. 
Whether  Mr.  Hopkins  is  re-elected, or  another  Dem- 
ocrat takes  his  place,  the  sentiments  which  he  now 
voices  are  those  of  his  party,  and  from  them  voters 
may  know  what  to  expect  if  a  Democrat  is  elected. 
Hence  I  venture  to  discuss  the  attitude  of  these  two 
politicians  towards  the  measures  herein  advocated, 
not  from  a  partisan  standpoint,  but  with  a  view  to 
informing  my  readers  what  measures  of  support, 
relatively, the  reforms  which  this  little  book  has  been 
called  into  existence  to  voice,  will  receive  at  their 
hands. 


IX.— HOPE  IN  POLITICAL  PARTIES  10." 

First  as  to  Mr.  Swift.  He  is  the  Republican  candi- 
date for  mayor  of  Chicago.  He  is  well  known  to  the 
people.  His  public  record  is  an  open  book.  He 
has  had  long  and  varied  experience  of  municipal 
affairs,  both  as  commissioner  of  public  works  and  as 
an  alderman.  •  Upon  the  death  of  Mayor  Harrison 
he  discharged  the  duties  of  mayor  ad  interim  with 
credit  to  himself  and  the  city. 

Among  his  more  recent  utterances,  from  which  one 
may  judge  as  to  his  views  on  municipal  reform,  is 
his  address  on  "The  Municipality,"  at  the  Marquette 
Club  Lincoln  memorial  banquet  on  the  I2th  inst. 
He  said: 

"It  is  difficult  to  determine  where  to  begin  in  open- 
ing up  to  your  view  and  presenting  for  your  earnest 
consideration  a  subject  so  vast  in  its  proportions  and 
so  near  to  your  wellbeing,  morally,  physically  and 
financially.  'The  Municipality' — the  government  of 
our  city,  the  administration  of  city  affairs,  is  the 
subject  I  have  chosen. 

"Let  us  note  briefly  what  there  is  to  be  governed, 
cared  for  and  maintained.  The  city  was  organized 
March  4,  1837,  with  a  population  of  4,170;  an  area 
of  ro  1-2  square  miles;  an  assessed  property  value 
of  $236,842;  no  bonded  indebtedness.  In  1894, 
fifty-seven  years  later,  the  population  was  estimated 
at  1,600,000;  the  area,  186  43-100  square  miles; 
the  real  estate,  assessed  valuation,  $190,963,364, 
to  which  add  the  personal  property,  assessed  valua- 


106  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

tion,  $56,462,078,  making  a  total  of  $247,425,442 
worth  of  taxable  property.  The  bonded  indebtedness 
of  the  city  aggregates  $18,000,000.  The  miscel- 
laneous receipts  for  the  year  1894  aggregate  a  trifle 
over  $7,000,000,  $4, 000,000  from  saloon  licenses  and 
other  sources  and  $3,000,000  from  water  taxes,  to 
which  add  the  2  per  cent  tax  on  assessed  property 
valuation,  amounting  to  $4,948,000,  making  a  total 
yearly  revenue  in  exact  figures  for  corporate  purposes 
of  $11,950,829,  in  addition  to  school  tax,  public 
library  tax  and  special  assessments. 

"The  expenditures  for  the  year  1894  were  as 
follows: 

For   corporate   purposes $i  1,039,897 

For  board  of   education 5,71 1,81 1 

For  public  library 490,  594 

Paid  out,  special  assessments 5.474. 194 

For  election  expenses 235,841 

"Here  we  have  a  grand  total  of  expenditures  of 
$22,952,337.  This  is  a  vast  sum  to  exact  from  tax- 
payers— surely  needing  the  closest  supervision  and 
the  strictest  business  methods  in  its  collection  and 
disbursement. 

"Contemplate  an  area  of  nearly  200  square  miles; 
a  population  of  1,600,000;  3,000  miles  of  streets 
and  alleys,  improved  and  unimproved;  4,500  miles 
of  sidewalks,  1,200  miles  of  brick  and  pipe  sewers, 
costing  $16,000,000;  47,000  street  lamps,  costing 
for  maintenance  annually  $1,000,000;  560  miles  of 
steam,  electric,  elevated  and  street  railways;  a  net- 


IX.  —HOPE  IN  POLITICAL  PAR  TIES  107 

work  of  pipes  and  wires,  gas,  water,  telegraph  and 
telephone,  underground;  forty-one  miles  of  river 
frontage,  an  annual  entrance  and  clearance  of  18,000 
vessels,  with  a  freightage  amounting  to  12,000,000 
tons  annually ;  a  water  system  consisting  of  tunnels 
with  a  capacity  of  nearly  500,000,000  gallons  every 
twenty-four  hours;  pumping  stations  with  a  pumpage 
of  360,000,000  gallons  every  twenty-four  hours; 
i, 600  miles  of  mains  and  other  equipments,  costing 
to  date  $2 3, 000,000;  a  police  department  numbering 
3,347  men;  a  fire  department  numbering  1,160  men; 
212  public  schools  and  4,500  teachers  and  an  enroll- 
ment of  185,000  pupils;  over  15,000  city  employes, 
and  an  annual  expenditure  of  $23,000,000.  That 
was  the  year  1894.  This  vast  corporation  is  con- 
trolled by  two  great  governmental  branches,  namely, 
a  legislative,  the  city  council, and  the  administrative, 
consisting  of  the  mayor  and  the  heads  of  the  various 
bureaus  of  administration. 

"The  citizen  naturally  entertains  the  deepest  in- 
terest in  the  municipality.  Upon  it  he  depends  for 
the  myriad  of  things  that  combine  to  make  our 
modern  civilization;  to  it  he  looks  for  the  constant 
exercise  of  the  peace-preserving  power,  with  all 
which  that  implies;  to  it  he  looks  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  popular  education. 

"Whatever  the  wealth  of  the  municipality,  it  is 
nothing  if  divorced  from  the  public  health.  The  city 
cannot  lengthen  its  strides  or  strengthen  its  stakes 


108  '    HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

without  giving  great  attention  to  the  transportation 
problem  and  the  proper  maintenance  of  its  high- 
ways. Commerce  would  shrink  and  shrivel  were 
water  and  rail  communication  not  constantly  fos- 
tered; all  of  the  ramifications  of  municipal  growth 
and  development  are  of  the  deepest  concern  to  the 
citizen,  and  for  them  in  their  many  forms  he  looks 
to  the  executive  and  legislative  powers  of  the 
municipality. 

"As  a  municipality  we  have  enlarged  with  marvel- 
ous rapidity.  With  the  enlargement  have  come  vast 
problems  that  test  the  highest  intelligence,  the 
natural  judgment  and  the  most  sustained  patriotism. 
With  this  wonderful  growth  the  needs  are  correspond- 
ingly great — not  time  and  natural  adaptation,  but 
the  quick  resources  of  the  broad,  western  confidence; 
and  earnest,  energetic  manhood  must  supply  these 
needs;  the  work  must  be  done.  Public,  not  personal 
interests  are  to  be  consulted;  patronage  must  be 
used  solely  to  secure  public  interests.  It  is  the  abuse 
of  official  patronage  which  has  resulted  in  a  masterful 
public  sentiment  which  to-day  demands  prompt, 
clear-cut, radical  and  permanently  beneficial  changes 
in  our  civil  service.  A  remedial  agency,  it  is  hoped, 
will  in  the  near  future  be  applied;  it  should  be 
heartily  welcomed  and  hospitably  entertained,  so 
that  its  abode  in  the  city  government  would  be  made 
permanent  and  productive  of  lasting  good. 

"Many  are  the  ills  complained  of    in  the  munici- 


IX.— HOPE  IN  POLITICAL  PARTIES  K)9 

pality  and  as  numerous  are  the  remedies  proposed. 
Among  them  may  be  mentioned  increased  official 
power,  extension  of  official  term,  limitation  to  one 
term,  removal  of  bond  inhibition,  increase  of  tax 
limitation. 

"The  5  per  cent  bond  inhibition  and  the  2  per  cent 
limitation  were  and  are  wise  precautionary  measures, 
and  the  public  should  watch  carefully  any  attempts 
to  change  or  annul  them.  The  one-term-and-then- 
out  idea  is  meritorious,  and  to  those  who  have  had 
experience  in  public  office  it  commends  itself  at  once 
and  without  argument. 

"To  the  advocates  of  increased  official  power  I 
would  respectfully  recommend  the  careful  perusal  of 
the  charter  and  city  ordinances — it  is  not  the  want 
of  laws,  but  rather  the  lack  of  inclination  or  ability 
to  enforce  them.  There  should  be  individual  respon- 
sibility and  strict  personal  accountability  in  official 
life. 

"The  power  conferred  on  the  mayor  is  great,  al- 
most autocratic,  consequently  the  responsibility  is 
equally  great.  The  position  is  not  one  of  ease  and 
retirement  nor  a  rostrum  for  oratorical  display. 

"There  are  grave  duties  to  perform  which  require 
constant  study,  cool  deliberation,  firmness  of  char- 
acter, honesty  of  purpose  and  courage  of  convictions. 
A  man  so  equipped  and  wedded  to  the  one-term 
idea  and  reform  in  the  civil  service  as  advocated  and 
demanded  by  an  aroused  public,  will  prove  as  nearly 


110  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

acceptable  to  the  people  as  is  possible.  Such  an 
executive  will  be  careful  in  the  selection  of  depart- 
ment heads.  He  will  surround  himself  with  men  of 
capacity,  industry  and  integrity,  to  whom  he  can 
safely  trust  the  supervision  of  minor  employes, 
such  employes  knowing  that  the  price  of  their  re- 
tention in  position  is  faithful  and  intelligent  public 
service. 

"Undisturbed  by  political,  social,  or  personal  in- 
terference, such  an  administration  would  grapple 
with  the  problems  that  confronted  it  and  successfully 
solve  them.  Such  an  administration  would  com- 
mand the  confidence  of  the  people,  and  the  people 
would  gladly  rally  to  its  support,  lending  moral  and 
financial  assistance. 

"The  deliberations  and  conclusions  of  such  execu- 
tive and  administrative  officers  would  have  weight 
with  the  legislative  portion  of  the  city  government, 
that  much  abused  body  that  quite  often  reflect  the 
opinion  of  the  people  whom  they  primarily  repre- 
sent, much  criticism  to  the  contrary,  notwithstand- 
ing." 

Such  are  Mr.  Swift's  views  on  municipal  govern- 
ment. On  the  matters  of  franchise  reform,  and  the 
methods  of  municipalizing  transit, electricity, gas, etc. , 
as  set  forth  in  this  work,  Mr.  Swift,  after  somewhat 
hastily  considering  the  questions,  appeared  to  be 
very  much  pleased  with  the  propositions,  and  said 
that  he  had  given  the  idea  of  stronger  municipal 


IX.— HOPE  IN  POLITICAL  PARTIES  1 1 1 

control  over  franchise  corporations  much  attention 
and  was  heartily  in  favor  of  it.  From  pronounced 
expressions  of  opinion  on  his  part,  the  author  con- 
cludes that  most  of  the  plans  of  reform  set  forth  on 
these  pages  have  a  strong  friend  in  Mr.  Swift. 

As  to  the  present  mayor,  he  is  outspoken  in  their 
favor.  Early  in  November  of  1894  Mayor  Hopkins 
undertook  the  study  of  municipal  government  gen- 
erally, and  particularly  with  reference  to  municipal- 
izing gas,  electricity,  and  street  railway  transit.  He 
gathered  materials,  and  collected  experiences  and 
opinions  from  many  cities  in  Europe  and  America, 
and  at  one  time  thought  seriously  of  laying  a  plan 
before  the  council,  in  a  special  message,  for  supply- 
ing the  city  with  electric  light,  heat  and  power, 
through  a  corporation  to  be  under  municipal  control, 
and  from  which  the  city  was  to  receive  a  substantial 
share  of  the  gross  receipts,  the  main  feature  of  the 
measure  being  a  cheap  and  abundant  supply  of  light 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  not  only  in  their  shops, 
stores,  factories  and  dwellings,  but  upon  the  streets. 

He  had  also  at  that  time  under  consideration  a 
plan  for  constructing  the  down  town  elevated  loop, 
by  means  of  a  corporation  under  city  control,  the 
city  to  share  in  the  revenues,  the  system  to  include 
passenger  depot  service,  and  to  be  available  to  all 
elevated  roads,  including  those  hereafter  to  be  con- 
structed, upon  reasonable  terms. 

It  is  known   that  he  made  considerable    headway 


1 12  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

in  formulating  a  plan  for  these  and  kindred  under- 
takings for  improving  and  municipalizing  the  quasi - 
public  service,  but  that,  for  some  reason,  he  deferred 
action.  Those  advised  of  his  motives  in  the  prem- 
ises say  that%  he  has  by  no  means  dropped  the  matter, 
but  intends  to  put  his  plans  into  practice  as  soon 
as  an  opportunity  presents  itself. 

As  shown  in  a  previous  portion  of  this  book, Mayor 
Hopkins  has  made  a  splendid  record  in  his  struggles 
with  the  financial  difficulties  into  which  previous  ad-- 
ministrations had  drawn  the  city,  as  well  as  on  his 
policy  of  obtaining  revenue  for  the  c'ty  from  fran- 
chises, and  on  track  elevation.  Should  he  succeed 
himself  as  mayor,  or  should  a  Democrat  be  elected 
in  sympathy  with  his  plans,  the  reforms  proposed 
in  this  little  volume  would,  to  some  extent  at  least, 
be  given  a  trial. 

There  is,  therefore,  good  ground  for  hoping  that, 
with  an  awakened  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  prac- 
tical reforms  on  these  lines,  Chicago  may  yet,  in  a 
measure,  be  delivered  from  municipal  franchise 
monopoly. 

I  want  to  point  out  in  the  strongest  terms  at  com- 
mand that  no  great  reforms  in  the  fundamental  plans 
of  Chicago  city  government  can  be  carried  out  under 
the  existing  state  constitution,  and  that  we  must  rely 
upon  the  development  of  public  sentiment  in  favor 
of  a  revision  of  the  constitution  in  order  to  induce 
one  of  the  old  political  parties  to  undertake  the  task. 


IX.— HOPE  IN  POLl  11CAL  PAR  7  IliS  1 1 :; 

I  discuss  this  subject  in  connection  with  HOPE  IN 
POLITICAL  PARTIES,  for  my  experience  of  Illinois 
politics  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  has 
convinced  me  that  however  valuable  independent, 
third  party,  or  reform  movements  may  be  in  the 
way  of  pushing  the  old  parties  out  into  active  prog- 
ress on  reform  lines,  real  progress  in  legislation  must 
come,  if  it  is  accomplished  at  all,  at  the  hands  of 
either  Democrats  or  Republicans.  It  has  been  so  for 
a  quarter  of  a  century,  with  unimportant  exceptions, 
in  this  state  and  it  will  probably  continue  in  that 
way  for  some  time  in  the  future.  Our  hope  is,  as 
yet,  in  the  old  parties,  and  if  practical  reforms  are 
presented  to  these  political  organizations  in  such  a 
shape  that  they  can  be  carried  out  to  the  advantage 
of  the  people,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  the 
work  will  be  taken  up.  It  is  the  visionary  reform 
scheme,  the  impracticable,  that  must  fail.  Half  the 
measures  that  are  taken  to  Springfield  for  the  relief 
of  Chicago  are  unconstitutional;  The  people  do  not 
appear  to  know  very  much  about  the  constitution 
of  their  own  state.  This  is  deplorable,  but  true. 
Public  men,  even  lawyers,  frame  bills  for  legislative 
action  just  as  if  the  general  assembly  had  no  limit 
upon  its  legislative  functions. 

I  sincerely  recommend  all  citizens  who  wish  to  take 
part  in  public  affairs  and  contribute  to  the  better- 
ment of  the  people,  especially  on  the  line  of  munic- 
ipal reform,  to  make  a  thorough  study  of  the  consti 


1 14  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

tution  of  Illinois.  It  is  not  such  a  very  lengthy 
document  either.  One  may  get  a  very  clear  idea  of 
its  provisions  in  two  or  three  days'  careful  reading. 
If  this  is  done  there  will  not  be  so  many  foolish  bills 
framed  as  there  are,  and  a  great  many  reformers  will 
begin  to  talk  about  the  necessity  of  constitutional 
revision  rather  than  the  passage  by  the  legislature  of 
impossible  measures. 

Here  is  a  list  of  important  reforms,  advocated  by 
a  good  many  people,  which  cannot  be  carried  out 
without  amendment  to  or  a  revision  of  the  consti- 
tution: 

1.  Charter    for     the     exclusive    government     of 
Chicago. 

2.  A  proper  revision  of  the  revenue  laws  so  as    to 
enforce  an  honest  assessment. 

3.  The    abolition  of    town    and  county    forms   of 
government  within  the  city  limits. 

4.  Municipal  ownership    of  gas,  electric    and    like 
works,    street    railways,  or    other    branches    of    the 
quasi-public   service,  excepting    water.       But  a  sub- 
stantial   degree    of     municipal    control    over    these 
enterprises  may  and  should  at  once  be  carried  out  as 
set  forth  in  this  volume. 

I  might  extend  this  enumeration,  but  these  impor- 
tant restrictions  are  more  than  sufficient  to  justify  a 
revision  of  the  constitution,  did  not  many  other 
urgent  reasons  exist.  A  measure  to  this  end  is 
already  before  the  legislature,  introduced  by  Repre- 


IX.  -HOPE  IN  POL  ITICAL  PAR  TIES  115 

sentative  Thomas  B.  Needles  of  Nashville,  111.  It  is, 
of  course,  in  the  form  of  a  joint  resolution  and  is 
in  the  following  terms: 

"Whereas,  The  provisions  of  the  present  consti- 
tution of  the  state  of  Illinois  are  too  restrictive  in 
their  character  and  are  insufficient  for  the  existing 
and  future  demands  of  the  people;  therefore,  be  it 

"Resolved,  By  the  house  of  representatives,  the 
senate  concurring  herein,  that  a  convention  is  nec- 
essary to  revise,  alter,  or  amend  the  constitution  of 
this  state,  and  the  question  of  calling  such  conven- 
tion shall  be  submitted  to  the  electors  of  the  state 
at  the  next  general  election,  as  provided  for  by 
article  14  of  the  present  constitution." 

The  judiciary  committee  of  the  house  has  already 
taken  favorable  action  on  this  measure,  and  it  is  to 
be  hoped  that  it  will  pass  both  the  house  and  the 
senate.  Should  this  be  done  the  work  on  hand  will 
be  to  go  before  the  people  and  convince  the  voters 
of  the  state  that  a  convention  is  necessary.  The 
feeling  in  the  country  districts  is  opposed  to  consti- 
tutional revision  on  general  principles.  Hence  it 
will  take  much  labor  to  convince  the  average  country 
voter  that  his  interests  will  not  in  some  way  be 
jeopardized  by  a  constitutional  convention.  But 
this  work  will  become  easy  if  both  great  political 
parties  espouse  the  cause  and  there  are  some  indica- 
tions that  they  will.  Reformers  throughout  the  state 
should  agitate  for  constitutional  revision,  for  the 
corporations,  generally,  will  oppose  it. 


X.— CONCLUSION 

And  now  in  conclusion  let  me  state,  as  emphatic- 
ally as  possible, that  the  plan  set  forth  in  these  pages 
for  municipal  reform  contemplates  no  war  on  exist- 
ing corporations  holding  municipal  franchises.  On 
the  contrary  its  propositions  are  equally  on  behalf 
of  three  great  interests,  which,  if  right,  are  one  and 
the  same,  viz. : 

i. — The  city  government. 

2. — The  people. 

3. — The  corporations. 

Any  scheme  of  reform  that  seeks  to  promote  one 
of  these  interests  to  the  injury  of  the  other  is  im- 
practicable because  it  is  unjust.  The  constant  harp- 
ing against  corporations  is  discord  in  the  music  to 
our  march  of  progress.  The  corporations  are  BS 
needful  and  beneficial  to  the  proper  growth  and 
development  of  the  city  as  the  system  of  govern- 
ment that  should  exercise  healthful  control  over 
them,  and  the  control  which  this  book  proposes  will 
serve  as  a  protection  to  their  interests  as  effectually 
as  it  will  to  the  welfare  of  the  inhabitants. 

It  is  not  proposed  to  set  up  new  electrical  works 
that  will  destroy  the  existing  ones,  and  give  out  a 

110 


X.— CONCLUSION  117 

monopoly  to  a  favored  few  at  the  expense  of  inter- 
ests already  created.  Should  the  city  to-morrow 
offer  for  sale  an  ordinance  and  contract  for  the  crea 
tion  of  a  quasi-public  corporation  with  a  capitaliza- 
tion of  twenty-five  or  fifty  millions, so  as  to  extend  the 
blessings  of  abundant  electric  light  to  all  parts  of 
the  city,  what  is  to  prevent  any  or  all  of  the  existing 
electrical  companies  in  Chicago  from  uniting  and 
offering  bids  to  take  the  ordinance  and  undertake 
the  work?  Nothing  whatever.  The  idea  is  not 
war  on  corporations,  but  reform.  It  is  the  promul- 
gation and  perfecting  of  a  comprehensive  system 
under  municipal  control  and  protection  that  will 
supply  the  wants  of  the  whole  city.  It  is  to  do  away 
with  so  many  separate,  conflicting,  competing  in- 
terests, and  to  unite  efforts,  skill  and  capital  on 
a  broad  scale,  equal  to  the  demands  of  the  situation. 

Suppose  that  instead  of  passing  the  Universal  gas 
ordinance  last  fall  the  mayor  and  council  had  for- 
mulated a  plan  for  a  consolidated,  comprehensive 
gas  plant  for  the  whole  city,  to  be  conducted  under 
municipal  control,  and  offered  for  sale  a  contract 
and  ordinance  on  that  plan,  the  so-called  gas  trust 
interests  would  have  been  much  better  accommodated 
than  they  were  by  the  passage  of  the  ordinance 
referred  to,  and,  what  is  still  better,  the  people  of 
Chicago  would  have  been  fully  provided  for,  while 
as  matters  stand  they  are  not. 

Again,  suppose  that  the  mayor  and  council  should 


118  HOW  TO  GOVERN  CHICAGO 

now  adopt  the  policy  of  terminating  all  street  railway 
franchises  at  the  expiration  of  the  last  one  granted, 
and  to  authorize  no  more,  on  the  old  plan,  ex- 
cept perhaps  such  as  would  expire  on  even  date, 
or  a  date  to  be  fixed,  and  inaugurate  a  great  system 
of  street,  alley  and  elevated  transit  under  municipal 
control, commencing  with  new  franchises  for  required 
new  lines, what  would  be  the  result?  Existing  transit 
interests  would  at  once  see  the  inevitable  outcome, 
and  the  advantages  to  them  in  the  scheme,  and 
would  fall  in  line  with  it.  Long  before  the  expira- 
tion of  existing  franchises  the  lines  now  in  operation 
would  be  voluntarily  municipalized  and,  without 
friction,  or  injustice  to  any  one,  the  great  reform 
would  be  accomplished. 

Surely  this  whole  subject  is  worth  serious  consid- 
eration and  careful  study  on  the  part  of  the  munic- 
ipal authorities  and  the  .people.  It  is  in  this  belief 
that  the  author  has  ventured  to  present  this  little 
volume,  and  in  the  sincere  hope  that  it  will  serve 
to  bring  about  much  needed  reforms  on  the  lines 
indicated,  it  is  given  to  the  public. 


THE    END 


Money  Found:     Recovered  from  its  hiding-places  and 
put  into  circulation  through  confidence  in    govern- 
ment   banks.      By      Thomas     E.     Hill.      Chicago: 
Charles  H.  Kerr  &  Company,  175  Monroe  St.  Paper, 
25  cents;  cloth,  75  cents;  leather,  $1.00;   postpaid. 
In  1890  Hon.    Thos.    E.     Hill,    well    known  as    the 
author  of  "Hill's   Manual"  and    other  standard    educa- 
tional works,   proposed,  in    a    letter    to    the    Farmer's 
Voice,  a  vital  and  far-reaching  reform  in    the  banking 
system  of  the  United  States, — no    less  a    reform    than 
the  government  ownership    and     contiol  of    the    whole 
banking  business.      Mr.   Hill's  system  met  with  instant 
approval  from    many  of    the    clearest    thinkers    of    the 
country,  especially  the  leaders  of    the    People's  Party. 
It  has  already  been  endorsed    by    local    conventions  of 
the  party,  and  is  likely  to  be  incorporated  into  the  next 
national  platform. 

In  response  to  many  requests  Mr.  Hill  has  elaborated 
his  system  in  the  book  Money  Found,  over  20,000 
copies  of  which  have  already  been  sold.  He  points 
out  that  the  terrible  business  depression  which  began 
in  1893  was  due  mainly  to  the  people's  lack  of  confi- 
dence in  the  unsound  private  banks  miscalled  "national.  " 
He  explains  how  the  United  States  might  open  its  own 
bank  in. every  important  town,  pay  3  per  cent  on  long 
time  deposits,  lend  at  4  per  cent  to  every  borrower  who 
has  adequate  security,  do  away  with  usury  and  revive 
business,  and  all  this  not  only  without  expense  but  with 
a  net  revenue  to  the  government  of  about  $390,000,000. 
The  latest  edition  of  Money  Found  contains  a 
glossary  of  financial  terms,  together  with  important 
statistical  tables  showing  the  financial  legislation  in 
the  United  States,  the  rates  of  interest  in  the  several 
states,  the  amount  of  gold,  silver  and  paper  money  in 
the  principal  countries  of  the  world,  etc.  The  appen- 
dix alone  is  worth  many  times  the  cost  of  the  book. 


Shylock's    Daughter.     By    Margret    Holmes    Bates. 
Illustrated  with  eleven  drawings  by  Capel  Rowley- 
Chicago:    Charles  H.  Kerr  &  Company,   175  Monroe 
Street.      Paper,  25  cents;  cloth,  75  cents;  postpaid. 
This  book  is,  to  begin  with,  a  thoroughly  well  written 
love  story,  with  an  interesting    plot  and    lifelike    char- 
acters.    Whoever  begins  it  will  read  it  through.    When 
he  has  read  it,  if  he  was  already    a    Populist,    he    will 
overflow  with  enthusiasm,  while  if  he  was  a  Republican 
or  a  Democrat  he  will  have  many  things  to  think  over. 
The  hero  of  the  story  is  a  People's    Party  legislator, 
elected  to  represent  a  constituency  of  farmers  and  miners. 
The  heroine  is  the  daughter  of  one  of  our  typical  pluto- 
crats, a  man  who  had  secured  his  election  to  the  state  sen- 
ate in  the  interest  of  a  wealthy  corporation,  and  whose 
aim  was  to  prevent   just  the  legislation    that  the  hero  of 
the  story  was  bent  on  securing.    The  senator  conceived 
the  happy  idea  of  using  his     daughter's  influence  with 
the  popular  young    legislator,   and  the  consequences  of 
his  endeavors  are  worked  out  by  the  novelist  in  a  decid- 
edly interesting  fashion.      For   the    final    outcome,    the 
reader  must  consult  the  book  itself. 

The  hero,  John  Longwood,  opens  his  political  career 
by  writing  a  series  of  letters  on  money,  land,  trans- 
portation, etc.,  to  his  local  paper.  The  ideas  thus 
advanced  are  sound  and  timely,  embodying  some  of 
the  most  important  reforms  which  the  country  is  suffer- 
ing for  to-day. 

The  book  is  dedicated  to  the  People's  Party  of 
America.  "Never  a  party  with  so  magnificent  an  op- 
portunity. Never  a  party  with  rank  and  file  so  sturdy 
and  noble.  Never  such  a  need  for  brave,  wise  and  in- 
corruptible leaders.  If  these  pages  encourage  another 
John  Longwood  to  come  forward,  it  will  not  have  been 
written  in  vain." 


The  Rights  of  Labor.  An  inquiry  as  to  the  rela- 
tion between  employer  and  employee.  By  W.  J. 
Chicago:  Charles  H.  Kerr  &  Company,  175  Mon- 
roe Street.  Paper,  25  cents;  postpaid. 

Few  employers  and  few  of  those  in  their  employ 
have  very  definite  ideas  as  to  the  implied  agreements 
which  legally  attach  to  the  ordinary  verbal  contract  to 
work  for  so  many  dollars  a  week,  and  still  fewer  have 
any  definite  ideas  as  to  how  the  law  might  be  improved. 
The  anonymous  writer  of  this  book  gives  much  valua- 
ble information  as  to  the  present  status  of  the  labor 
contract,  and  he  advocates  certain  legal  reforms  the 
discussion  of  which  can  not  fail  to  do  good. 

He  holds  that  under  present  conditions  the  laborer 
is  usually  at  a  disadvantage  in  making  a  labor  contract, 
since  his  very  life  depends  on  his  finding  work,  and 
that  thus  the  employer  often  grasps  an  unduly  large 
share  of  the  product.  The  remedy  which  the  author 
proposes  is  to  limit  by  law  the  percentage  of  profit 
(after  all  expenses  are  paid)  which  capital  may  receive 
each  year  on  its  actual  investment.  He  would  put 
this  limit  high  enough  to  compensate  for  the  losses  of 
unprofitable  years.  All  profits  above  this  limit  he  pro- 
poses to  divide  among  those  who  do  the  work,  either 
of  hand  or  head,  in  proportion  to  their  wages.  Also 
he  would  make  some  provision  against  the  enforce- 
ment of  needless  and  oppressive  regulations. 

Never  in  the  world's  history  were  the  toiling  millions 
so  near  as  now  to  a  union  for  political  action  to  secure 
their  rights.  Given  a  plan  on  which  all  can  unite,  and 
the  union  can  be  effected  with  astonishing  rapidity. 
This  book  develops  many  if  not  all  the  features  of  the 
coming  plan  for  action,  and  every  thinking  man  should 
read  it. 


The  Pullman  Strike.  By  Rev.  William  H.  Car- 
wardine,  Pastor  of  the  First  Methodist  Church, 
Pullman,  111.  Fourth  edition.  Chicago:  Charles 
H.  Kerr  &  Company,  175  Monroe  Street.  Paper, 
25  cents,  postpaid. 

The  Pullman  strike  has  passed  into  history.  The 
Pullman  problem  remains  unsolved,  and  every  patriotic 
American  must  do  his  part  in  solving  it.  For  it  is 
only  part  of  a  larger  problem,  one  that  is  already 
upon  us. 

Had  the  strikers  any  real  grievances,  or  were  they 
the  dupes  of  ambitious  men  with  private  ends  to  serve? 
Which  ought  the  people  to  demand  of  their  legisla- 
tors, that  they  restrict  the  power  of  organized  capital, 
or  that  they  go  further  in  repressing  the  movements  of 
organized  labor? 

The  answers  to  such  questions  depend  rather  on  facts 
than  on  logic,  but  facts  are  hard  to  arrive  at,  when 
statements  come  from  the  parties  vitally  interested  in 
the  disputed  questions.  Mr.  Carwardine's  little  book 
has  therefore  a  high  and  permanent  value  both  to  the 
citizen  of  to-day  and  the  student  of  the  future.  For 
he  is  neither  a  capitalist  nor,  in  the  restricted  sense, 
a  workingman,  but  an  observer,  with  nothing  to  preju- 
dice him  in  favor  of  either  side.  This  being  the  case, 
his  testimony  in  favor  of  the  men  and  against  the 
Pullman  Company  is  most  convincing,  and  it  is  no 
wonder  that  the  allied  monopolists  have  done  every- 
thing possible  in  indirect  ways  to  discredit  the  little 
book,  nor  that  its  sale  has  been  phenomenally  rapid 
among  those  who  are  hoping  and  working  for  social 
progress  toward  a  more  humane  civilization. 

Not  a  single  important  statement  in  the  book  has 
been  successfully  challenged,  and  fair-minded  men 
*nay  read  it  with  the  certainty  of  getting  at  the  facts. 


A  Story  from  Pullmantown.  By  Nico  Bech-Meyer. 
Chicago:  Charles  H.  Kerr  &  Company,  175 
Monroe  Street.  Paper,  25  cents;  cloth,  50  cents, 
postpaid. 

The  year  1894  will  pass  into  America's  history  as  a 
memorable  one.  Throughout  the  nation  the  irrepres- 
sible conflict  between  human  rights  and  "vested  rights" 
has  been  growing  more  intense.  Upon  the  town  of 
Pullman  all  eyes  have  been  focused,  for  here  the  na- 
tional struggle  has  been  reproduced  in  miniature, — re- 
produced in  a  fashion  so  concrete  that  the  dullest 
minds  have  understood.  Rarely  has  so  grand  a  theme 
been  found  ready  to  the  artist's  hand,  and  never  has 
the  artist  appeared  so  promptly. 

Mrs.  Nico  Bech-Meyer  is  an  American  by  adoption 
and  loyalty,  though  a  Norsewoman  by  birth.  She  has 
acquired  a  mastery  of  the  English  language  that  most 
of  our  native  authors  might  well  envy.  But  she  does 
not  often  let  the  reader  stop  to  think  of  her  style, — 
the  movement  of  her  story  is  too  rapid. 

Very  artistically  yet  simply  she  discloses,  as  her  story 
proceeds,  the  insufferable  oppressions  of  the  Pullman 
company;  she  interprets  the  mental  struggle  of  the 
more  intelligent  of  the  working  people;  she  closes  her 
book  with  their  final  decision  to  begin  the  strike,  and 
every  reader  who  has  followed  the  story  from  the  be- 
ginning will  feel  that  as  free  men  and  women  they 
could  not  have  done  otherwise. 

This  book  is  full  of  inspiration  for  those  who  are 
tempted  to  think  of  the  strike  as  only  a  failure:  "Never 
yet  have  great  changes  been  effected  without  birth- 
pains.  There  are  walls  which  must  be  torn  down, 
and  old  stuff  which  must  be  thrown  out.  Better  to  lie 
down  on  the  street  and  die  than  to  live  a  slave's  life 
and  leave  it  as  an  inheritance  to  their  children." 


A  scientific  and  popular  treatise  on  Pre- 
natal Influence,  the  Prevention  of  Conception,  and 
the  Hygiene  and  Physiology  of  Generative  Life. 
By  Sydney  Barrington  Elliot,  M.  D.  Chicago: 
Charles  H.  Kerr  &  Company,  175  Monroe  Street. 
Cloth,  $1.50,  postpaid. 

Nothing  among  the  gloomy  signs  of  the  times  to- 
day sheds  a  brighter  ray  of  hope  than  the  scientific 
discoveries  in  the  field  of  pre-natal  influence.  It  is  now 
an  established  fact  that  parents  may,  to  an  extent  be- 
fore undreamed  of,  determine  the  lives  of  their  children. 
"It  is  the  right  of  every  child  to  be  well  born."  Par- 
ents may  ignore  that  right.  If  they  do,  the  chances 
are  that  the  child  will  suffer  through  life  from  some 
physical,  mental  or  moral  deformity  which  might  have 
been  prevented.  Parents  may  recognize  that  right, 
study  the  laws  of  pre-natal  influence,  and  so  apply 
them  as  to  intensify  in  their  offspring  every  good  qual- 
ity they  themselves  possess,  and  greatly  remedy  every 
defect.  If  only  a  majority  of  our  people  would  do 
this,  the  life  of  the  nation  would  be  transformed  in  a 
generation. 

Dr.  Elliot  is  one  of  the  scientists  who  have  studied 
these  laws  of  pre-natal  influence,  and  in  this  book  he 
has  done  priceless  service  in  so  explaining  them  that 
all  may  understand  and  apply  them.  One  position 
which  he  takes  deserves  special  comment.  He  holds  that 
there  should  be  no  chance  conception,  and  as  a  corol- 
lary to  this  he  holds  that  every  married  woman  should 
know  that  there  are  safe  and  harmless  methods  for  its 
prevention.  This  view  will  be  decried  by  some,  but 
all  who  judge  conduct  by  its  bearing  on  the  best  hap- 
piness of  mankind,  rather  than  by  pre-conceived  notions, 
will  heartily  commend  it. 


CONDEMNED   BY   COMSTOCK 

BUT    COMMENDED      BY    INTELLIGENT    CRITICS    EVERYWHERE. 

Anthony  Comstock  condemns  "Woman,  Church  and 
State."  *  In  a  letter  written  Feb.  26,  1894,  but  only 
recently  made  public,  he  says:  "In  reference  to  whether 
this  is  a  proper  book  to  put  in  a  school  library  for 
children  to  read,  I  unhesitatingly  say  no,  it  is  not  a 

proper  book  for  children  to  read The 

incidents  of  victims  of  lust  told  in  this  book  are  such 
that  if  I  found  a  person  putting  that  book  indiscrim- 
inately before  the  children  I  would  institute  a  crim- 
inal proceeding  against  him  for  doing  it." 

This  letter  was  in  answer  to  an  inquiry  from  a  Cath- 
olic member  of  a  school  board  at  Fayetteville,  N.  Y., 
the  author's  home.  She  had  presented  the  work  to  the 
school  library,  and  the  member  in  question,  objecting 
to  Mrs.  Gage's  straightforward  statements  of  fact  in 
her  chapters  on  "Celibacy,"  "Canon  Law,"  etc.,  sent 
the  book  to  Anthony  Comstock  for  his  opinion. 

Commenting  on  this  letter,  the  Boston  "Investiga- 
tor" says:  "The  only  question  to  be  asked  and  an- 
swered regarding  the  work  of  Mrs.  Gage  is  this:  Does 
she  tell  the  truth?  That  is  the  point.  If  Mrs.  Gage 
has  stated  what  is  false,  has  given  to  fictions  the  face 
and  form  of  facts,  let  her  be  corrected;  let  her  be 
shown  up  as  a  falsifier;  but,  if  she  has  told  the  truth, 
if  she  has  bodied  forth  in  her  volume  the  ugly  wrongs 
of  church  and  state  against  her  sex,  then  they  who 

*  Woman,  Church  and  State,  a  historical  account  of  the  status  of 
woman  through  the  Christian  ages;  with  reminiscences  of  the 
matriarchate.  By  Matilda  Joslyn  Gage,  Chicago.  Charles  H.  Kerr 
&  Company,  175  Monroe  Street.  Cloth,  gilt  top,  554  pages,  $2.00 
postpaid. 


2  WOMAN,  CHURCH  AND  STATE 

vilify  her  name  and  attempt  to  throw  dishonor  upon 
her  work,  fear  the  truth  and  are  afraid  to  have  the 
dead  body  of  history  uncovered.  Mrs.  Gage  is  the 
victim  of  Christian  superstition, of  religious  prejudice, 
but  this  foolish  and  unjust  persecution  of  one  of  Amer- 
ica's great  women  and  one  of  the  century's  true  re- 
formers, ought  to  bring  her  latest  and  greatest  effort 
before  the  public,  which  we  feel  confident  will,  after 
reading  it,  vindicate  not  alone  her  work,  but  her  forci- 
ble language,  as  necessary  to  fitly  reveal  the  subject 
under  discussion." 

The  "Church  Union"  of  New  York,  a  Congregational 
paper  of  wide  circulation,  which  numbers  eight  clergy- 
men among  its  contributing  editors,  has  given  the 
book  two  reviews,  the  first  from  the  pen  of  its  editor- 
in-chief,  the  second  presumably  from  that  of  Rev. 
Charles  H.  Parkhurst,  D.  D.,  the  famous  reform  cler- 
gyman of  New  York.  The  first  says,  "We  have  not 
space  for  more  than  a  notice  of  this  highly  interesting 
book.  We  should  like  to  give  it  the  extensive  review 
it  deserves  and  thus  to  summon  the  attention  of  our 
readers  to  some  of  the  very  important  truths  that 
are  presented  and  which  call  for  thought  on  the  part 
of  all.  But  get  the  book  and  study  its  striking  con- 
tents for  yourself. "  The  second  review  declares  that 
"its  teeming  pages  contain  not  a  few  important  and 
neglected  truths  which  it  would  be  well  for  churches 
and  state  to  ponder. " 

Moncure  D.  Conway,  of  London,  England,  the  biog- 
rapher of  Emerson,  wrote,  "It  has  long  been  my  usage 
to  read  everything  I  encountered  from  your  pen.  I 
shall  probably  have  something  to  say  of  it  in  one  of 
my  discourses  at  South  Place. " 


WOMAN,    CHURCH   AND   STATE  3 

f 

From  a  lady  Professor  in  a  Pennsylvania  College: 
"The  style  of  your  book  is  clear,  the  argument  conclu- 
sive, borne  out  as  it  is  by  authority.  It  has  stirred  us 
all  as  I  wish  that  the  book  might  stir  the  entire  race 
of  women  in  every  part  of  the  world.  One  million 
ought  to  be  distributed  and  read  in  our  country  alone.  " 

Judge  Merrick  of  the  Louisiana  Supreme  bench  de- 
clared he  had  "nothing  but  unqualified  praise  for  the 
book." 

A  Boston  physician  wrote,  "Allow  me  to  congratu- 
late you.  "Woman,  Church  and  State"  is  the  greatest 
book  ever  written  by  a  woman  and  the  grandest  book 
ever  written  in  the  interests  of  woman.  I  mention  it 
to  every  woman  I  meet,  and  all  who  have  read  it  are 
pleased,  instructed  and  astonished." 

The  "Woman's  Tribune"  of  Washington,  D.  C., 
edited  by  Mrs.  Clara  Berwick  Colby,  commends  the 
book  as  "especially  valuable  for  study  in  woman's 
clubs." 

A  Washington,  D.  C. ,  lady,  a  Christian  Scientist, 
said,  "What  a  wonderful  book!  I  cannot  read  but  a 
little  at  a  time,  for  it  seems  to  stir  up  the  old  Adam 
in  me,  that  I  thought  was  buried.  Every  library  in 
the  world  ought  to  have  it. " 

The  "Advance"  of  Chicago,  the  leading  Congrega- 
tional weekly  of  the  West,  says  that  the  book  "shows 
much  research  and  learning." 

Rev.  Dr.  Keeling,  an  Episcopal  clergyman  of  Da- 
kota, says,  "It  is  a  most  remarkable  book  and  is  bound 
to  make  a  stir  among  the  clergy.  I  have  read  it  once, 
shall  read  it  again  and  mark  it,  read  it  a  third  time 
and  take  notes. " 
'"The  Banner  of  Light,  a  noted  Spiritualistic  paper 


4  WOMAN,    CHURCH   AM)    STATF. 

of  Boston,  says,  "If  any  writer  has  done  the  present 
generation  an  extremely  valuable  service,  Mrs.  Gage's 
name  heads  the  list.  There  is  no  true  man  or  woman 
who  cannot  but  feel  under  obligations  to  its  author. " 

Victor  K.  Lemstrand,  a  literary  gentleman  and  pro- 
found thinker  of  Stockholm,  wrote,  "I  want  to  make 
the  work  known  here  in  SAveden  and  perhaps  translate 
parts  of  it  into  Swedish. " 

A  noted  lady  reformer  of  the  South,  a  woman  of 
wealth  and  position,  after  receiving  the  book  wrote, 
"I  came  home  and  looked  your  book  through;  was  so 
chained  to  it  I  could  not  let  it  go.  I  am  thankful  and 
overjoyed  at  the  book.  It  will  make  a  stir  and 
emancipate  thousands.  I  thank  you  in  rny  soul.  I 
cannot  see  anything  you  could  have  omitted.  It  throws 
a  light  on  the  park  pages  of  life,  a  strong  light,  it  is 
true,  strong  because  true,  but  in  a  most  solemn  and 
dignified  manner." 

Column  after  column  could  be  rilled  with  notices 
similar  in  character,  from  newspapers,  magazines  and 
letters,  all  speaking  in  the  highest  manner  of  the  purity 
of  the  book,  its  profound  learning,  the  research  shown, 
and  its  immense  value  to  the  world.  It  is  a  history, 
both  of  the  church  and  the  state,  especially  in  their 
relations  to  woman,  which  touches  many  points  that 
have  been  ignored  by  male  historians,  and  herein  lies 
its  greatest  "value.  Intelligent  men  and  women  who 
do  not  believe  in  a  censorship  are  invited  to  send  for 
the  book  and  judge  whether  its  tendency  is  to  corrupt 
the  imagination  of  girls,  or  to  teach  them  the  dignity 
of  womanhood. 


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